Showing posts sorted by relevance for query trevor taylor. Sort by date Show all posts
Showing posts sorted by relevance for query trevor taylor. Sort by date Show all posts

24 September 2009

Kremlinology 5: hard to swallow that

In other instalments in the Kremlinology series, we introduced you to Trevor Taylor. There were a couple of signs that things were not right with Trevor Taylor and his relationship with the current administration.

Until today he was a cabinet minister in the Danny Williams crew.  He’ll be resigning his seat in the legislature next week.

Taylor pulled pin unexpectedly Thursday, announcing he was off to a new gig with a not-for-profit interested in Arctic ecology.  According to Taylor, he is going for personal reasons.  He said he made the decision a month ago, told the Premier a week and a bit ago and dropped it on cabinet today.

There’s a new job waiting for him that will involve working with a not-for-profit on fisheries management in places like the Beaufort Sea.

The real reasons are likely contained in all the pre-emptive denials Trevor tossed out in his scrum:

  • He still loves Danny
  • No dissention or tension
  • Not running federally
  • Nothing to do with Flowers Cove

Politics is hard on the personal life and when things get tough on issues like Flowers Cove, forestry and the fishery – all big issues in Taylor’s neck of the woods -  family members often bear the brunt.   The fact that Taylor hasn’t been able to make any headway with his cabinet colleagues on those issues doesn’t help.

His tone during the scrum seems stressed.  This is  a guy who doesn’t appear to want to leave politics. If he has issues within his family, a job that will take him over North America and involve work at the opposite end of the country doesn’t sound like a recipe for spending more time with the kids, as the phrase goes.

For his part, the Premier praised Taylor and said it might take until next month to sort out a new cabinet arrangement. A permanent replacement for Taylor would take longer.   Taylor has carried a few stinky parcels for the current administration, including the fibre optic scheme. 

Maybe Taylor’s departure speaks to frustration at his inability to change certain minds in the Confederation Building.  He spoke about getting into politics to make decisions on certain things.  One of them was likely the fishery, interestingly a portfolio from which Taylor was ripped in favour of some old-fashioned thinking. 

Trevor Taylor is a relatively young man who – until today – seemed to have a bright political future ahead of him, especially in a post-Danny Williams Tory party.  The fact that he decided to pack it in, rather than stick it any longer, might be a sign that kremlinology sometimes works.

Any other cabinet ministers or back-benchers feeling political heat these days?

-srbp-

28 November 2006

Tory Broadband Timelines

Just to help keep track of the fibre story, following is a timeline of broadband-related announcements since October 2003. Some additional comments related to the GRAP deal announced on 02 November come from comments made by the Premier or innovation minister Trevor Taylor since then.

A few points leap out. Further information would clarify some of the discrepancies or unexplained gaps.

1. This project may be a lot younger than we have been told. If the Persona proposal was made to government 18 months before it was approved, it seems to have been largely ignored until June/July 2006. It was then met with a flurry of activity, rejected twice in the space of two months and then lay idle until the Aliant fire. EWA noted the short time-span it was given in which to assess the proposal.

According to Trevor Taylor in the House of Assembly, there were only eight meetings, in total on the project over 18 months that involved some representatives of the companies making the pitch. The Premier never met with anyone on the proposal, according to Taylor, nor did Taylor's predecessor Kathy Dunderdale.

Taylor himself acknowledges having met once with Persona president Dean Macdonald on the proposal and twice with Persona's chief operating officer Paul Hatcher.

In addition, government officials met three times with Macdonald, four times with Hatcher and once with representatives of MTS Allstream.

Even allowing for Taylor having a faulty memory this is not a large number of meetings over 18 months; some of the meetings may be duplicates (i.e. did Taylor meet with Macdonald and Hatcher at the same time and along with other officials?) It is extremely odd that Dunderdale did not meet at all with any of the proponents despite having this proposal in her department for over a year. As well, it is extremely unusual that no action took place on this proposal until after Dunderdale was moved to another department.

The subsequent communications cock-ups - acknowledged by Taylor and the lack of specific benefits documented by third parties would be explained by a proposal that either was submitted and approved quickly or that was left laying about and hastily approved.

Note that the estimate of 50% savings used by the Premier to arrive at the $400 million figure is identified by EWA as being a verbal estimate by Persona. It has not been verified.

Add it all up and one can only conclude either that the proposal was not received by the provincial government until some time in mid-2006 (contrary to government claims) or that it was received, ignored for over a year and then hastily (sloppily?) reviewed and approved in less than four months. Either way, the implications do not speak highly of government's management processes.

2. Provincial and federal financial involvement in the project is larger than revealed. The $30 million project referred to by Persona's Paul Hatcher after the Aliant fire appears to be the joint federal/provincial/Persona initiative to expand broadband access under the CDLI program. As such, the provincial government has actually committed a total of $20 million to this, while the federal government has added $5.0 million to the $82 million total.

While Hatcher's comments seemed to indicate Persona had invested $30 million of its own, the company's actual involvement was on this portion was $19.9 million.

3. How convenient! The flurry of comment critical of Aliant seems to be convenient and involves a number of public individuals closely associated with the current provincial administration.

4. The missing strategy. The consultant RFP announced in November 2005 would have provided the strategic basis for any future broadband initiatives. What happened to it?


The Timeline

A. 31 March 2004: Budget 2004 includes $5.0 million for the department of Education's initiative to expand broadband access in schools. Another $1.2 million under Innovation, Trade and Rural Development (InTRD) to be used to leverage federal funding.

B. 15 June 2004: $50,000 from InTRD to help EXCITE Corp leverage funds from the federal BRAND initiative to expand broadband availability in Grand Falls-Windsor area.

C. 20 July 2004: Education issues request for proposals seeking a corporate match of $10 million funding from the federal and provincial governments to expand broadband in schools. RFP closes 30 April 2004.

D. 15 June 2004/09 November 2004: InTRD announcement, Witless Bay. $4.0 million to expand broadband to 19 communities in Irish Loop region. Of the $4.0 million cost, 63% provided by Government of Canada. InTRD provided $285,000. [Note: This money was announced in June by the province and at a second announcement in November. The southern route of the GRAP deal covers a portion of the Irish Loop project. The only communities in the southern GRAP route not covered by existing broadband expansion initiatives are on the south coast. ]

E. 02 July 2004: Unspecified level of provincial government support for SmartLabrador operations.

E.1. 22 September 2004: Premier Danny Williams announces appointment of Dean Macdonald and Ken Marshall to Newfoundland and Labrador Hydro board of directors.

F. 31 May 2005: Business minister and Premier Danny Williams announces Business Advisory Board. Members include Paul Hatcher and Dean Macdonald.

G. March-May 2005: Persona submits proposal for broadband connection to mainland, subsequently to involve Government, Rogers, Allstream and Persona. [Note: The timeframe on this is not exact. In several interviews and in the House of Assembly since 02 Nov 06, innovation minister Trevor Taylor referred to the proposal having been submitted about 18 months before it was approved.]

H. ??? 2005: Premier's chief of staff writes Minister InTRD (Kathy Dunderdale) assigning responsibility for the Persona proposal to InTRD. [Note: Based on comment from Taylor in House of Assembly. This suggests that the proposal was originally made to or received by the Premier either in capacity as Premier or as Minister of Business.]

H.1 15 September 2005: $29.9 million announced by Government of Canada ($5.0 million), Government of Newfoundland and Labrador ($5.0 million) and Persona ($19.9 million), representing the results of RFP issued 20 July 2004.

I. 10 November 2005: Innovation minister Kathy Dunderdale announces "that the provincial government is reviewing all government telecommunications requirements with the intention of creating a province-wide advanced computer network." Announcement includes reference to national call for proposals for a consultant to "recommend an advanced network model that meets government's existing and anticipated future technology needs."

No results of this process are ever announced.

J. 21 June 2006: Electronic Warfare Associates contracted to provide assessment of GRAP/Persona proposal. [Note: This comes from a comment by EWA in the pages released by Taylor in the House of Assembly. Date on documents is 21 June 2006.]

J.1. 05 July 2006: Cabinet shuffle. Taylor appointed innovation minister; Dunderdale appointed natural resources minister; Kevin O'Brien replaces Danny Williams as business minister.

K. Late June or early July 2006: Premier Danny Williams rejects proposal based on concerns about connection between Premier and Persona senior officials. [Note: Both Williams and Taylor made reference to the proposal twice being rejected over issues of how the relationship between the Premier and some proponents would be perceived. Initially, Taylor indicated cabinet had rejected the proposal twice. On 14 Nov 06, the Premier claimed responsibility for these two decisions. The date estimates for K. And L. (below) come from comments by Taylor in answer to questions in the House of Assembly.]

L. Late July or early August 2006: Second rejection. [See note above]

M. 20 October 2006: Fire at Aliant causes temporary loss of telephone service.

N. 23-24 October 2006: Public criticism of Aliant including Premier Williams, St. John's mayor Andy Wells, emergency measures boss Fred Hollett and city commissioner Ron Penney.

O. 26 October 2006: Cabinet approves GRAP proposal. [Note: Confirmed in House of Assembly by Trevor Taylor. Premier Williams gave several interviews the day before indicating cabinet would be reviewing the proposal. Existence of the proposal was made public by Persona immediately after the Aliant fire and generally coincidental with the public criticism by the Premier, Mayor Wells and city commissioner Penney.]

P. 02 November 2006: GRAP deal announced by innovation minister Taylor and business minister Kevin O'Brien.

09 May 2007

Homer Taylor

Two days.

Two news releases from innovation minister Trevor Taylor accusing the opposition of misinforming the people of Newfoundland and Labrador about the $20 million fibreoptic deal Taylor announced last fall on behalf of the provincial government.

Check the first one and the second one both accusing the opposition of selectively releasing information.

What's wrong with this picture?

Disclosure of information on a government project in his department rests entirely with Taylor. If information is being released in bits and pieces, Taylor has the ability to fix that situation pretty quickly. It's just plain silly for a cabinet minister to be on the defensive like this.

And that's really where the problem with this whole mess rests: with Taylor and his boss.

The provincial government has made an absolute mess of the comms on this deal from the outset. Rather than provide simple, straightforward explanations of the deal, Taylor, former finance minister Loyola Sullivan and later the Premier have tried a bunch of different stories about the deal and its details.

At one point, the province was purchasing an equity stake in the consortium. Then it bought a few strands of fibre instead. The various people who've spoken on this deal - either from government or the consortium - can't even agree on the total cost of the project and the level of public money involved.

Now usually with a story like this - where there are allegations of favouring political and personal buddies - a government that trumpets its high standards of accountability would push information forward.

Putting tons of factual information in public kills off speculation and makes it virtually impossible for anyone to make an accusation that will stick.

In fact, over the past couple of days, Taylor has returned to this accountability theme.

Unfortunately for Taylor, everyone knows that, in addition to its fumbled explanations at the front end of the story, the provincial government has delayed and delayed and delayed releasing information about the project. The Premier even stonewalled the Auditor General's investigation which he supposedly supported. Danny Williams insisted up and down that The Law prevented disclosure of cabinet documents to the AG and by jingo, there was no way this Premier would break the law.

Then - under continuous pressure - Williams suddenly caved in, admitting all along that cabinet had the prerogative to decide if cabinet documents could be released. So Williams would give the Auditor the documents he wanted to see. And The Law? Well, it turns out that while the law isn't an ass, Williams previous explanations were at least a donkey.

At one point, Taylor even criticized reporters for covering the story. He even accused the opposition of focusing on the relationship between the Premier and two of the major players in the deal. Well, that's pretty obvious, so obvious in fact, that, as Taylor admitted cabinet rejected the deal twice because the optics were bad.

The documents Taylor is referring to were a series of e-mails released in the House of Assembly by the premier. The Opposition spent some time going through them and found a few examples of public servants questioning the deal. They did so in the course of exercising their professional responsibilities and, to be frank, that's all the opposition has noted: public officials had problems with the deal.

It raises the spectre of the infamous Sprung greenhouse. Some $22 million of public money spent by a previous administration - and here's the key part - over the objection of provincial public servants. The opposition hasn't made that connection but they are almost certainly headed there.

That's what the story looks like today.

And it looks that way because Trevor Taylor and his boss have failed not once, not twice, not thrice, but on every single occasion to do what anyone with half a clue knows they should do: release the information without delay.

Taylor needs to tell the story himself, from start to finish with documentation. Make an overhead slide show. Do that and the story goes away in a heartbeat.

It's not too late to do that.

That is, unless there is some substance to the various criticisms that have cropped up about this deal.

That is, unless the provincial government had good reason to reject this deal, not once but twice, as Taylor himself has acknowledged.

If either of those is true, then the unnamed communications officer's e-mail released this week gave a clue to what government has been trying to do all along, namely spin the story.

Ask any competent public relations professional about spin.

They'll tell you that's what comes out of the back end of a burro.

And so far?

That's what the provincial government's explanations of this Sprung-sized investment have been worth.

-srbp-

10 May 2013

More on the 2009 Rift #nlpoli

The Kremlinology post on Trevor Taylor, Paul Oram and the apparent policy disagreement in cabinet in 2008/09 generated two contacts (a tweet and an e-mail) that are worth discussing.

Let’s take them one at a time.

13 November 2006

The math is simple

PR = reputation.

Reputation = credibility.

Credibility = honesty.

Honesty = consistency.

Get it?

Obviously a whole bunch of really important people don't.

Read on:

1. If security of consumer telecom service was an issue...why would you string cable on poles in Newfoundland? Persona chief operating officer and former Cable Atlantic exec Paul Hatcher told the Telegram on Saturday that the land portion of the GRAP deal is carried along Newfoundland Power poles.

Ice and sleet storms that interrupt telephone and power service are a common feature of life in eastern Newfoundland. Persona and Rogers customers - including the provincial government - can expect the odd problem with getting signal, that is unless Persona, Rogers and the Manitoba telephone company buy back-up service from Aliant.

Aliant's cables are buried underground.

2. Does the government have equity or fibre? Finance minister Loyola "Rainman" Sullivan described the province's $15 million expenditure as gaining "equity", as in ownership of an interest in the telecom project. Innovation minister Trevor Taylor said we are buying fibre.

Which is it?

There is a difference even if business minister Kevin O'Brien - yes, the business minister - doesn't know what it is without a briefing note.

3. And while we are at it... Why would Trevor Taylor tell NTV's Issues and Answers that the provincial government is buying fibre but could sell it to recover the investment?

Surely, the provincial government has done a comprehensive examination of how its own telecom cost are going to drop as a result of buying fibre strung along poles on the island portion of the province.

Surely, it has a business plan.

4. There was no RFP but there was talk of one. Early on someone asked why no request for proposals had been issued on this project. Innovation minister Trevor Taylor insisted there had not been one because it was an unsolicited proposal.

But on NTV's Issues and Answers confirmed that the provincial government had looked at seeking proposals. Cabinet decided not to issue an RFP since there was only one company likely to respond that hadn't - namely Aliant - and the cost of the process would be $1.0 million.

Ok.

So now we learn more details that lead us to doubt earlier answers. So much for early disclosure instilling confidence.

But then logically, we must also wonder:

5. Would the RFP have been about providing a cheap sub-sea link or would it have been to provide the provincial government with its own fibre?

Persona's Paul Hatcher already said the provincial money was needed to build the connection to Nova Scotia.

6. Since Aliant has surplus capacity in its system, why didn't cabinet think it was a good idea to encourage competition for its business? After all, the provincial government justified its expenditure of $15 million on the grounds that increased competition will lower costs.

It doesn't help credibility if you contradict your own explanations in the process of providing explanations.

7. $1.0 million is hardly a hefty price-tag when the provincial government is the largest telecom customer in the province. The Tories know this since they proposed in their Blue Book to use government purchasing power to drive down telecom cost. So rather than spend $1.0 million to ensure the $15 million was indeed the lowest cost, government decided to shave off the tiny amount and instead just drop the $15 million anyway.

So much for sound fiscal management in a government run by a Great Negotiator (patent pending).

8. There are two deals here. One is the stand-alone Persona landline, already underway and scheduled to be completed very soon. The other is the sea connection involving a group of cable companies.

Which one has the provincial government's cables in it? Since the deal was announced in relation to the sub-sea cable, presumably government's telecom is running on that one.

Presumably not.

Presumably.

9. Did anybody consider the impact of taking the provincial government's telecom service out of the marketplace?

One of the big issues in the Blue Print is using government's purchasing power to lower its own telecom costs. By purchasing its own dedicated fibreoptic capacity, the provincial government is effectively going into the telecom business for itself. More importantly, it is actually leaving the commercial telecom industry - suddenly - which will have a dramatic drop in business as a result.

Drops in business aren't good for consumer prices since the few customers remaining have to pay for all the surplus capacity that is being added to the telecom system.

That is, unless the provincial government is going to either subsidize the telecom companies - like it did with the paper companies recently - or overspend on telecom by keeping an outside telecom provider it doesn't really need.

Of course, that means the cost of this deal is a lot more than $15 million.

A lot.

At least for you and me, the people who are supposed to benefit from the deal.

10. Pull the other one...

Trevor Taylor needs to understand that no one - and I mean no one - believes that the the Dean/Ken/Danny/Paul relationship is one that happened six years ago, and by implication ended back then, as Taylor tried to tell the audience for Issues and Answers.

Even the Pitcher Plants know that Ken Marshall and Dean Macdonald have established and ongoing relationships with a whole bunch of people in government, today.

Especially the Premier.

Denying the obvious suggests you have no respect for your audience's intelligence, don't understand what is the core ethical issue and well...that you aren't telling the truth.

11. If cabinet was worried at least twice about alleged appearances of conflicts of interest over a deal involving the provincial government buying fibreoptic cables...

- why would such a beneficial idea have aroused any suspicions?
After all, by one version of Trevor Taylor's story the provincial government is supposed to be piggybacking on a project for its own purposes, not meeting the needs - wink, wink, Paul Hatcher - of rich private telecom companies.

- what changed? The Bell Aliant fire didn't materially alter the project. It seems as though cabinet thought by fanning some of the smoke from the fire, they could sneak a project by everyone that otherwise they had no confidence in.

That really doesn't look good.

Heck, the whole thing doesn't look good.

And the provincial government can only blame itself.

10 April 2013

The Transformation #nlpoli

Provincial Conservatives in Newfoundland and Labrador have a political philosophy that is equal parts Machiavelli,  Kafka, and the Three Stooges.

For the first few years they seemed to be constantly plotting and manoevring, always one step ahead of their opponents at home and abroad. 

Those days are gone, now, replaced by a surreal landscape of bizarre shapes and hideous shadows.

The Conservatives have already admitted to their continuing financial mismanagement of the province.  They admitted in 2009 that what they spend of the public’s money every year is unsustainable. They continue to spend like that even though the public cannot afford it.

Yet these same profligates attack their political enemies with the accusations that the opponents are financially irresponsible.  These same bankrupts defend recent cuts to education by pointing to their previous spending which they have admitted is unaffordable and which is the reason for the cuts.  They censor public documents and at one and the same time, crown themselves most open government the province has ever seen.

This heady mixture now comes to slapstick comedy, courtesy of Trevor Taylor.

06 February 2008

As innovative as a 55 gallon oil drum

Since we first introduced you to SAC Manufacturing - here and here - the Telegram has taken up the story and added interesting new details (see below).

VOCM makes it sound like the provincial government is looking for the cash rather than trying to avoid noting that the cash is missing in the first place but hey, that's a whole other story.

Anyway, the Telly confirmed that the company went under, a fact the provincial government knew in September 2007 yet for some bizarre reason, apparently failed to disclose to the Auditor General while he was doing the Public Accounts.

AG John Noseworthy included mention of Hebron and some other changes long after the close of the fiscal year he was auditing that looked rosy for the books, but this little story somehow escaped attention.

However, since the company shares could be worthless, the AG really should have listed that fact in the notes to his audited financial statements.

Somewhere.

And he might well have done so.

If he knew.

But in order for him to know, the people who did have the information would have to pass it along.

And apparently they didn't.

Just like they never issued a news release on the $500,000 equity position the provincial taxpayers took in a little company no one heard of. Not like say, Consilient or Blue Line both of whom received a similar equity injection. Or Orphan Industries and it's nearly $1.0 million of provincial cash.

Oh and don't forget that like those other equity stakes, this $500,000 equity position was decided and approved by cabinet.

And for another example, the Telly discovered that the province's $500,000 was in addition to a $175,000 loan dropped into the mysterious company the year before.

And for another example, the Telly quotes the province's innovation minister admitting his department was aware the company had "cash flow issues" and that there were other problems with the company yet dropped the cash in anyway.

Interesting his explanation that somehow SAC Mfg had an innovative product and therefore the cabinet invested in it.

That's interesting because some further digging in the oil patch turned up some people who were familiar with the SAC idea. While they didn't know all the details, these experienced industry players, referred to the concept as a pressure vessel for natural gas, in other words a form of compressor like the industry already uses in several forms.

Or like an oil drum?

Exactly.

Or as one of them put it: as innovative as a 55 gallon oil drum.

If that's the case, the market basically gets its 55 gallon drums from the people who can produce them at high speed at the lowest price. Not much time consuming analysis needed on that one. Also no surprise since, as Trevor Taylor admitted, SAC is now a floater in the East River of failed Newfoundland government business ventures, due to competition from the American market. Innovative ideas don't have much competition.

The Telegram also notes that the company got the $500,000 cash in December 2006 and, as Bond Papers can now note, the directors of the company listed their house for sale the following April. The two year old home was sold within two months.

And if all that wasn't odd for you, try comparing innovation minister Trevor Taylor's comments about SAC to what he said last week about local companies and the investments the Ag criticised in his report.

Last week, Taylor was talking about the need to keep companies here through government investment rather than see them up-stakes and head to where the capital is that might just buy into this or that product.

Ok.

Except in this case, the product was aimed - as Taylor admits - at the Alberta natural gas acreage.

Alberta.

The place with lots of capital, private especially, looking for innovative ideas. As Bond has already noted, the product in this case really isn't useful locally - unlike Blue Lines energy monitor, for argument's sake - and is pretty much aimed at a niche market. Whatever SAC might have gotten around to building, it also wouldn't be a product that needed to be built here, as opposed to Alberta or Saskatchewan.

So why the heck would the provincial government drop cash into it?

That is as much a mystery as the company itself.

And as for government's explanations so far?

Well, those are about as innovative as a 55 gallon drum.

They ring about as hollow too as a brand new empty one rolling down Barter's Hill.

-srbp-

The story below was also carried in The Western Star (Corner Brook). Note that some information at the back end of the piece was chopped. Note especially, though, that the headline conveys a bit of a different twist on the story than what the story itself suggests.

The Telegram

February 5, 2008, p. A1

Business

Company shut down after $675-K handout
Closure came months after infusion of tax cash

Rob Antle

A local oil industry firm ceased operations last year, just months after quietly receiving a $500,000 equity investment from the provincial government.

The province had previously provided a $175,000 loan to SAC Mfg. Inc. of Paradise. Taxpayers are now out a total of $675,000.

But Innovation Minister Trevor Taylor insisted that officials did due diligence on the company, which was working to develop a natural gas compressor for use in the Alberta oil industry.

"We knew it was a high-risk investment," Taylor told The Telegram. "We knew that the company, there were cash-flow issues ... that this was as far as we could go, and that they were going to need to change the way they were conducting their business, or get further private investment or whatever in order to be able to carry forward.

"The reason we invested in it is because it was an innovative product. It was something that was explained to us - as we understood it, based on the analysis that was done - (that) this was an unconventional piece of equipment, that if it took off, would have had a good placement in the oil industry."

There are no news releases in provincial government archives announcing or even referencing any investments in SAC Mfg. Inc. Details of the equity infusion are buried in a schedule attached to the recently-released 2006-07 public accounts.

Taylor said he didn't know why there was no news release trumpeting the SAC cash, even though his department routinely does so for other infusions of government money. "I really couldn't tell you, to be honest with you ... I don't know." But Taylor noted there was no direction from him to keep it quiet.

In early 2006, the province loaned SAC $175,000. Later that year, in mid-December, the government made a $500,000 equity investment in the
company through its new commercialization program.

But soon after SAC received the money, the company's sole two directors - Dana Clancy and Sandy Clancy - sold their Paradise home, according to records filed at the provincial Registry of Deeds. That address doubled as the contact point for the company, according to documents filed at the Registry of Companies.

The house sale went through in June 2007, less than six months after the $500,000 government investment in SAC. There is no record of the Clancys subsequently buying another house in Newfoundland and Labrador. Taylor said one of the firm's principals moved back to Alberta.

The government said it was informed in September 2007 that SAC lacked sufficient capital to continue operations, citing competition from the U.S. and downturns in selected markets.

Government officials are now examining their options to recoup the cash. Taylor acknowledged he is concerned that the company's directors left so soon after the equity investment, but defended the actions of his department.

"We don't have a crystal ball around here that we can gaze into and say, 'Oh yeah, I just saw this person selling a house six months after we gave them money.'"

The province knew SAC Mfg. Inc. was a "high-risk" venture, and decided it was "worth a shot," Taylor said, insisting that the people of Newfoundland and Labrador want the government to take such risks.

"They've asked us - as a department, and as a government - to invest in research and development, and to put our money on the line and to do our due diligence, and understand what the risks are, and understand what the benefits might be if a technology is developed."

SAC officials were not reachable for comment. Sandy Clancy's e-mail address returned messages as undeliverable. All local phone numbers associated with the firm are out of service. And SAC's website has disappeared from the Internet. In fact, its domain is not currently registered by anyone.

The Department of Innovation was slow to respond to inquiries about SAC.

The Telegram first asked about the investment on Jan. 30, following a posting on the company by Internet blogger Ed Hollett.

rantle@thetelegram.com






01 November 2013

One poll to rule them all… #nlpoli

The way things go in Newfoundland and Labrador, you can sometimes think that some things only go on here. 

Not so. 

Take a short trip, if you can spare a second,  to Manitoba and the riding of Brandon-Souris.  The editor of the Brandon Sun published an e-mail last week that went from a federal Conservative political staffer out to thousands of people on a series of distribution lists.

09 May 2013

Kremlinology 44: the 2009 Rift in Cabinet #nlpoli

Trevor Taylor left politics in 2009 in an unseemly hurry.

One minute he was there. 

Next minute?  Gone from cabinet and the House of Assembly.

Very odd.

Then right on his heels went Paul Oram, who muttered something about unsound financial management by the Conservatives as he ran from the Confederation Building.

A very big clue to what was going on at the time turned up on Tuesday in Trevor Taylor’s column in the Telegram.

07 October 2008

Taylor's self-made hard spot

Provincial acting fisheries minister Trevor Taylor is in a hard spot.

You can tell he's in a hard spot because in order to criticize a recent fish quota trade deal, Taylor wound up resorting to an argument favoured by people Taylor usually criticizes harshly,  people like Gus Etchegary and Sue The Vanished Hydroqueen:

Taylor said the deal hearkens back to prior trade agreements, in which Canada traded its fisheries stocks for economic advantages.

Yes, it's a sign of complete bankruptcy when your argument is merely to repeat the same discredited fables as Gus, Sue and others.

Taylor called the deal tragic.

It's hard to see how it is tragic.

In exchange for allowing Americans to fish a portion of the Canadian quota for yellowtail flounder outside 200 miles, a portion not usually caught anyway, Canada gains.  It gains because:

-  the deal secures American support particularly for other conservation measures;

-  the deal includes Canadian access to over 600 tons of deep water shrimp which will be fished by a Newfoundland and Labrador company (and processed in already under-utilized plants);  and,

-  the deal includes an increased by-catch for American plaice which will allow the Newfoundland and Labrador harvesters to fish the yellow-tail flounder quota more efficiently and to a greater extent.

Sadly, the fishery is as misunderstood as the offshore oil and gas industry.  The result is that completely bogus arguments like the ones offered by Etchegary and Taylor are accepted as fact.

What is tragic is that Taylor is considering increasing plant capacity in a province in which there is way more capacity than existing quotas. Fish plant workers are making as little as $8,000 in some cases from their labour and must scramble to find other work in order to qualify for a pittance in employment insurance on top of that. The existing plants are in many respects  nothing more than stamp factories and Taylor is seriously considering making a bad situation demonstrably worse.

Taylor and the cabinet to which he belongs know what needs to be done.  They are - in effect - abrogating their responsibility to reorganize the fishery in a way that corrects the human tragedy and the economic tragedy in the province's fishery. Taylor and his colleagues are doing nothing more than following the less than sterling example of some recent fisheries ministers, like John Efford, who during his tenure increased the number of plant licenses and contributed to creating the current mess.

Such is the scope of the tragedy in the fishery.

Such is the scope of the tragedy that Taylor, who started his political career showing some promise, has become just another politician mucking about in the fishing industry for political purposes. 

A shuffling of the province's cabinet will evidently produce no positive change in the province's fishing industry.

That's another sign of the tragedy.

-srbp-

10 May 2010

It’s always about the money

Former cabinet minister Trevor Taylor, whose surprise resignation last fall triggered a wave of set-backs and problems for the ruling Conservatives, wrote a letter to the newspaper in his former district last week about the air ambulance controversy.

Trev’s argument in a nutshell, paraphrased by your humble e-scribbler:
  • “Any intelligent person” would have seen that an independent review of the air ambulance service would lead to government shifting the airplane from St. Anthony, however, it was only through Taylor’s political intervention that the ambulance stayed in St. Anthony.
  • Oh yes, and I brought $163 million to the district and [some people] claimed I did nothing.  You elected the other guys.
  • Live with your f*ck up.
Did he really mean to suggest he created the situation that triggered the review and relocation, i.e. the incidents in Labrador?

Methinks not.

But the logic is inescapable:  Taylor is effectively taking responsible for the circumstances that existed before the relocation.  If any “intelligent person’ could have foreseen the service needed to be moved, then only Trevor’s political arguments based on something other than the most effective and efficient operation of the service kept it in what Trevor suggests would be the wrong place, were it not for political interference.

Interesting.

Curiously,  he makes no reference to the fact that the review recommending relocation was structured in such a way as to support that conclusion already, not as an independent and open-ended review on the efficient operation of the air ambulance service. 

Oh yes and it is all about money:
During that time I had the complete and unwavering support of the Premier for viable legitimate investments in the district, to the tune of $163 million during the six years we were in government, one of the biggest investments in any district in the province.
And then he finishes with a heartfelt “f- you to his former constituents:
The district voted for change, change is what you are getting.
Trevor’s letter also suggests that there was a deep-seated dissatisfaction with Taylor and no shortage of deep animosity between Taylor and his constituents.Taylor’s letter speaks volumes about how he and his colleagues operate:  pork, for one, and if you read between the lines, payback for the other.

The current administration is viciously partisan in a way not seen in this province since the 1960s.

Maybe that’s why it feels like 1970.
-srbp-

08 July 2005

Trevor Taylor - up tarring the roof

Thankfully, Trevor Taylor came down off the roof and took some time to call Bill Rowe on Crap Talk, the afternoon call-in show on VOCM.

That is a tongue-in-cheek reference to his opening comments about trying to re-shingle the roof and repair the eaves on his mother's house. When my grandmother was ticked off with someone repeatedly asking where so-and-so was, she'd always say he was up tarring the roof. With some of the tired voices from the past calling open line shows altely, I wish some of them were actually up tarring a roof.

As busily as I was trying to scribble down notes, I finally just stopped and listened to his frank comments on the issues in the fishery and current government policy. It was such a broad swath of topics that there was no way to keep up with him.

If people actually listened to what he is saying, they'd understand he is probably one of the best fisheries minister the province has ever had. There are no illusions clouding his judgment. Taylor speaks with a lifetime of knowledge about the fishery and it shows. He is genuine and sincere.

As Trevor climbs back out on the ledge to fix the eave he should consider pulling together a bunch of people for an informal brain-storming session on the future of the province's fisheries. Rather than go through the usual dog-and-pony shows of Royal Commissions or public consultations, maybe Trevor would call a few people who normally don't get called. ignore the tired voices and let them shingle the tumble-down shacks of their worn-out complaining. Maybe he could call a few people who usually never discuss fisheries issues but who might just have some creative ideas.

Give them a hammer, a pile of shingles and some nails.

Then get to work.

Have a chat in the summer sunshine and chew over what is going on and more importantly where we need to go with the fishery in the province.

My morning e-mailer noted that we can't have a fisheries policy here, just a fish processing policy.

I disagree.

I am firmly convinced that if we brought the right people together, we can find a new fisheries policy that would change Trevor's life for the better and put something on paper that federal fish minister Geoff Regan couldn't ignore.

The worst that will happen is that the province will be right where it is now and a couple of the helpers will wind up with a skill to fall back on in hard times.

The best is that we might actually be able to bring about some fundamental and meaningful changes to the benefit of everyone in the province. Taylor is the kind of guy who could not only bring together the right people; he could also persuade people to give the group's ideas a try.

At the very least, his mom would have a roof that isn't shingled with the best of intentions.

08 November 2005

The return of Backupable Tom - update

In a surprise move, Premier Danny Williams today shuffled five of his cabinet ministers around, including appointing Tom Rideout as the new minister of fisheries and deputy premier.

Rideout's predecessor, Trevor Taylor, has been talking forthrightly for the past few weeks, including some genuinely straight talk in the wake of Derrick Rowe's departure as chief executive office of Fishery Products International (FPI).

Taylor talked himself out of a job. That's clear. But the problem is not that Taylor was wrong. Rather, it was painfully obvious that Taylor was at odds with the cabinet - especially the Premier himself - about how government ought to respond to the problems.

As the Bond Papers noted last Friday:

"Taylor has spoken openly of the overcapacity in the fishery. At the same time, Premier Williams has committed to assisting the community of Harbour Breton cope with the closure by FPI of the community's fishplant. While it is far from conclusive, these contradictory opinions suggest that there are some significant policy differences within government on fisheries issues."

Rideout's appointment is a clear signal as to how the Williams administration will respond to problems in the fishery. If the shuffle itself wasn't enough, the creation of a new portfolio in this administration, that of deputy premier, makes it clear that Rideout holds power and influence in the Williams cabinet second to none except Danny Williams himself.

Rideout was fisheries minister under Brian Peckford between 1985 and 1989 and served in the Peckford cabinet from the time he crossed the floor a few years earlier. Rideout is intimately familiar with the plans to prop up the fishery using tax dollars, rather than reform it.

More importantly, Rideout was fish minister when Fishery Products International was created out out of the collapse of smaller processing companies in the province.

All that points to a return to government intervention and government subsidies in the fishery. It reinforces the idea that the disastrous raw materials sharing program was something foisted on Taylor by his cabinet colleagues. The plan, which attempted to spread a limited resource to as many people as possible, was fundamentally at odds with the implications of Taylor's other public comments about the fishery.

The difference between now and the 1980s is that government has the cash - hundreds of millions of dollars in oil money - to pay for whatever it decides to do. But in truth, the province doesn't really have the cash - the Peckford era policies - every one of them - contributed greatly to the hideous financial mess facing the incoming Wells administration in 1989 and continues to burden the treasury in the form of the growing debt. When Tom points to previous administrations to blame, he is truthfully pointing to his own and ones of which he was a part.

All of this might turn out to be completely wrong; it's just a matter of opinion.

But given the history of this place and the people making decisions, I'd be willing to place a small wager on it:

Tom Rideout will take the province's fisheries policy back to the dismal past.

And that, to quote the former premier, is backupable.

[Update - CBC Radio's David Cochrane made a couple of observations about the big switcheroo today, which I will attempt to paraphrase below. The remarks here are mine, though. Nothing should be attributed to Cochrane in case I misquote him.

1. This is the biggest shuffle in the two years of the administration. Yep. Absolutely. The last shuffle was made because of the unbearable tension between the Premier and his former minister of health. If Trevor hadn't been shuffled he would have been Fabed, or something close to it.

2. Normally, the Premier might have waited a few months for a big shuffle. Again, spot on. No one has really screwed up here. Hedderson may have some issues about watches but unless there is something I am not seeing, the three other shuffles (Joan Burke - Tom Hedderson and Paul Shelly) are just a screen for the major one to make it look less obvious that Trevor got a kick in the crotch.

3. In this case though, as I recall David saying, this was intended to send a message to FPI communities that the fishery is important and, as proof, the second biggest guy in cabinet is in charge of the fishery. Again, right on the money. But where I'd go a step beyond is to point to the likely direction of government policy. If Williams thought the fishery was important enough to reform, he'd have left Taylor place.

What the Premier has done here - understandable politically - is to send a powerful signal that the fishery is so important, nothing is going to change. The Harbour Breton model is going to be the one at play here: pump cash in so people will not leave. Make no mistake: I think Peter Fenwick got this whole thing dead wrong when he wrote that the government policy on Harbour Breton marked a break with the past.

The fix is short-term, to be sure, but then again, that's what I meant when I based my prediction on the history of the province and how decisions get made.

There's also an element here that the Premier - this Premier - is not going to be the guy who brings bad news to anyone at all, ever, unless he absolutely has to.

Take a gander back to that Fenwick piece. Fenwick reflected a great deal of optimism six months ago and he may well hold a different view today, but there is no doubt that this government appeared headed in a much different direction on fisheries issues than it appears to be on right now. The High Liner example Fenwick notes is an example of what Taylor can do when he is allowed to work.

However, in the other cases, including Harbour Breton, the Premier took a direct interest and that's when the policies shifted from New Approach to Same Old, Same Old.

06 October 2008

Trevor's duck and cover explained

Trevor Taylor, part-time substitute fisheries minister in the Provincial Conservative government has been busily ducking a looming issue in the fisheries world.  In a system already grossly overstocked with processing capacity, Taylor's department has a recommendation under consideration to add a few more licenses.

The local CBC fisheries broadcast has been trying desperately to get Taylor on the air.

He's been unavailable.

Apparently, Trevor's been too busy campaigning against Fabian Manning, not in his free time or anything mind you but during the day time  - normal government working hours - when one might expect he could have found a few hours to devote to his custodial responsibilities in the fish department.

Seems Trevor has been joined on the hustings by attorney general Jerome Kennedy and intergovernmental affairs genius Tom Hedderson. 

You will recall Hedderson as the guy writing letters to Ottawa last June lobbying on a decision that was made...18 months earlier.

Trevor sees no problem with this carrying on partisan family fights during daylight hours.

Trevor also decided on Monday to issue a news release criticizing the federal government for a deal giving 1500 tonnes of yellowtail flounder from Canada's NAFO allocation to the Americans.

But sure Trevor and the boys are supporting the ABC campaign, you say.

Yes, sez your humble e-scribbler, but don't forget the real motivation for all these cabinet ministers to join in the Family Feud.

There's a big cabinet shuffle coming very shortly.  Being seen out there hammering away at The Boss' favourite cause is much better for the old career path than spending time doing other things, like say the job you get paid to do.

Oh.  That's right. 

Trevor did find time in his hectic hectoring schedule to call the Fisheries Broadcast and do an interview.

But that was after one of his predecessors outed him on the Family Feud thing.

-srbp-

30 May 2013

There’s something to be said for eloquence #nlpoli

Russell Wangersky is a fine writer with a keen and insightful mind.

He is also an editor at the province’s largest circulation daily.

That’s the same place where former fisheries minister Trevor Taylor has been scribbling a column every week.

01 December 2006

Fibre fact-checker needed

CBC Newfoundland and Labrador is carrying a story on the provincial government's conemtplation of expanding broadband access to Labrador.

Yes, it's important.

Yes, it's expensive - upwards of $80 million, according to Trevor Taylor's comments to CBC.

But it isn't like there isn't already a plan for it.

Check the link to a November 2005 news release in which former innovation minister Kathy Dunderdale announced government would be hiring a consultant to map out an information strategy. They never did; if they did, the person has never been heard of again.

Anyway, the oddly titled "Big Backgrounder" contains a breakout of projects under the federal government's Broadband and Rural and Northern Development (BRAND) project. Two Labrador projects are listed with a total project cost of over $5.0 million, financed 100% by the Government of Canada.

Trevor Taylor's department is listed as having commited exactly zilch to the project.

Nada.

Bupkis.

BRAND is a project in which the province dribbles teeny bits of cash and the feds flood.

So now, Trevor Taylor is announcing further study of extending broadband coverage to Labrador, which will, as he predicts, require provincial funding.

Trevor needs a fact-checker.

16 August 2005

Taylor late on shrimp

Provincial fisheries minister Trevor Taylor issued a news release on Monday calling on the federal government to step up efforts to find a solution to the high tariff on imported shrimp imposed by the European Union.

He claimed the tariff may cause an early closure to this year's shrimp fishery, thereby putting almost 4, 000 local shrimp workers out of business.

Here are a few things Trevor missed:

1. Try getting in the game, Trevor. Over a year ago, well before the federal election, Siobhan Coady helped bring federal international trade minister Jim Peterson here to meet local business leaders. Coady, who operates a fish harvesting business, arranged a meeting for local shrimp exporters with Peterson. He's been working on the problem ever since.

Had the province been as concerned about the problem then, we might have made greater progress.

Other people have been working on this, Trev, old man. Welcome to the game - a day late and dollar short.

2. Some companies have already adapted. At least one local exporting company has incorporated a subsidiary inside the European Union that imports Newfoundland and Labrador shrimp and avoids the tariff.

Maybe that is something others could explore. Blaming the feds is an easy dodge.

3. Rein in the loonies first, Trev.One of the biggest things Taylor could do for the fishery on this issue is rein in the crowd in his own party locally and federally and all the crowd on the call-in shows who rub their hands with glee at the prospect of forcing the European Union out of fishing on the Grand Banks at gunpoint if necessary. Some of those countries have prosecuted since before white people settled in Newfoundland and Labrador and wouldn't take any more kindly to that kind of talk than we would if the tables were turned.

Rein in the looney fringe, Trev, my son and maybe just maybe, the Europeans would be more willing to listen to what we have to say.

No matter how hard you try, Trevor, this monkey just can't be tossed off your back.

Deal with that issue first and maybe your release won't sound like a hollow piece of political tripe.

4. Do shrimp buyers have the crabs? Taylor complains about weak American markets for shrimp. Maybe the crab fiasco - miserable quality that all but closed the American market to local crab - has spilled over.

This is all really too bad because Taylor is actually one of the better provincial cabinet ministers who Danny Williams actually lets handle the department he heads.

29 November 2006

CANARIE in Trev's credibility coalmine

Earnest innovation minister Trevor Taylor is fighting a losing credibility battle.

No matter how hard he tries, someone keeps putting out information that undermines Taylor's arguments that the Persona deal is a good investment of public money and had nothing to do whatsoever with helping out political friends.

Even Trevor can't keep out of the contradictions act...

Like, f'rinstance, last week in the House, on 22 November, Taylor said that one third of the cost of the national network connection for Memorial University to participate in a research computer network - one third of the cost for that - had gone into the line between St. John's and Halifax.

Memorial University is the Newfoundland hub for a series of projects, like CANARIE that ships data around among researchers, albeit not along the public Internet per se.

But notice that comment: one third the cost.

Flip ahead to this week and in the course of debate, Taylor said the cost of CANARIE (paid for by the federal government apparently) at MUN was something around $400,000 annually. Public Internet costs were about the same.

Ok.

The budget for CANARIE's CA*Net4 service for 2006 is $22 million. Now even an old artsman like your humble e-scribbler can tell that $400,000 is not 33% of $22 million.

Maybe Taylor misspoke in the heat of debate.

Maybe we misunderstood him.

Maybe, his comments are - to be exact - wrong.

Like the Premier's claim, backed by his ministers, that this Persona deal will put Memorial University on the research map.

Apparently it isn't connected to any computers now, not even the Internet, if you listen to the Premier.

But of course it is.

With a connection that shunts data at 1 gigabit per second.

That little tidbit is important if you recall one of the Premier's justifications for the Persona deal was the need for people at the university and elsewhere to ship data in one second, versus 16 minutes via dial-up.

Premier Danny Williams, Hansard, 21 November 2006:
The previous speeds that can be talked to, you would have to look at about sixteen minutes for a conversation to take place on a dial-up modem. On high-speed, it can take place in one second. So, I would say a word on a dial-up and I wait sixteen and two-third minutes for an answer from the research analyst who is on the other end. When you put this in place, we can talk simultaneously....
The Premier - or should we say Gunny MisInformation Highway - is either freeze-dried or been doin' hard time.

Ain't been no dial-up round the university for centuries, man.

Oh yeah. and that's not the only time where Trev said one thing and Gunny Highway said another.

What will the savings be for Memorial on its public Internet service? Taylor pegged the annual costs right now - using 2800 baud modems Danny? - at $400,000.

According to Taylor last week in the House, the savings would be 15% annually.

According to Danny Williams last week in the House the savings would be 50% per year.

That's a pretty big discrepancy. And it isn't a Hansard transcription error. They double check these pesky detail-type thingies.

It gets even worse when you realise that the Premier's number is based solely on a verbal comment by someone from Persona, duly documented as such by EWA-Canada in its hasty assessment of the Persona deal.

That 50% comment and the entire $400 million benefit Premier Dan has claimed will flow from this deal has never been subjected to any independent scrutiny. The original estimate - and the Premier's massive benefits number - were pulled from the same bodily orifice.

The credibility canary laying dead at government's feet should stop us from mining this little deal before it goes any farther.

13 November 2006

For want of a telephone call

For the want of a nail, the shoe was lost; for the want of a shoe the horse was lost; and for the want of a horse the rider was lost, being overtaken and slain by the enemy, all for the want of care about a horseshoe nail.
- Benjamin Franklin
For if the trumpet give an uncertain sound, who shall prepare himself to the battle?
- 1 Corinthians 14:8
_________________________________________________

Consider the irony.

Four telecom companies in Newfoundland and Labrador - Persona Communications, Bell Aliant (TSX: BA.UN-T), Rogers (TSX: RCI), and MTS Allstream (TSX: MBT) - are embroiled in a controversy involving a government deal that will likely affect their corporate bottom lines and all because the companies involved neglected two words:

Public relations.

Here's how.

Public relations is about connecting a company with the public interest. It is about gaining and maintaining public support by developing awareness, information, attitudes and behaviour.

Public relations these days is very much about an organization's reputation: attitudes over time.

And time is the key element.

Public relations professionals will you that in order to gain and maintain support, people have to know. The only way they know if you tell them.

None of the companies involved told what needed to be told in a timely way. The companies involved with government in laying new fibre-optic cables across the province waited until the end of the process - once the deal was done with the provincial government - to tell people that a deal was even in the works.

Naturally, public interest was peaked. Spending public money gets their attention anyway. And when two of the three companies behind the deal are headed by individuals with a long-standing business and personal relationship with the Premier, they are bound to wonder what's up.

The information the companies and the provincial government gave initially was limited and confusing. One company spokesperson - Paul Hatcher of Persona - described an $82 million project already underway with no mention of the federal and provincial government money involved. The government announcement added up to only $52 million.

Public comments by business and political leaders in the wake of a fire at Bell Aliant's St. John's headquarters seemed to smooth the ground for the government announcement. But, a week later, as the full scope of the project slowly seeped in the public domain, questions mounted. A week after the announcement, news stories spread across the country alleging that the public money actually came as a result of a deal among buddies rather than something that was actually in the wider public interest. [For a telecom industry/business view, see here.]

The controversy will likely be fueled in the second week by bumbling comments by the finance and business ministers as well as contradictory comments by innovation minister Trevor Taylor and Persona's chief operating officer Paul Hatcher, another Cable Atlantic alumnus.

In an interview with NTV's Issues and Answers, Taylor played up the government's purchase of fibre-optic strands for $15 million. Hatcher told the Telegram that the provincial government cash was needed to fund the expensive portion of the project, namely the sub-sea connection into Nova Scotia.

As the Telegram story put it:
More than a year ago, the consortium pitched the undersea cable to the province - they had $37 million and asked the province to make up the shortfall.
To make matters worse, while concerns about public safety were raised by the Premier himself as the deal was being approved, Taylor said this weekend that province-wide 911 service is being examined. The cost and technical feasibility of expanding broadband to Labrador will also be studied with no commitments being made at this point.

Underneath the whole controversy are allegations of unfair dealings of a government with companies headed by individuals who hold appointments to the province's hydroelectric corporation, both of whom are the Premier's former business partners.

As easy as it is to decry suspicion of politics and politicians, Trevor Taylor gave credence to this aspect of the affair by confirming that the proposal had been reviewed by cabinet at least twice in the past year and rejected on both occasions out of concern of a perceived conflict of interest. Ordinary residents of the province can hardly be faulted for wondering why a single incident suddenly erased the concerns if the politicians were worried about real or perceived conflict of interest twice before. If the deal was good now, it was good then.

To a public relations professional, that sort of suspicion - even if based on appearance rather than fact - is the most damaging. Releasing information when the proposal was first made would ensure awareness and accurate information. Tackling head-on the questions about conflict of interest at the outset would have sent reassuring messages about government and corporate sensitivity to ethics questions. Early and complete disclosure instills confidence.

For Bell Aliant's part, the issue is more one of opportunity lost. The company simply has missed every chance to deal frankly with its telecom service to the province. Its competitors have relentlessly pointed to the supposedly exorbitant cost of leasing space on Aliant's fibre-optic cables. They have pointed to increased service to the public. Aliant has been silent on the existing surplus capacity in the system and the likelihood that consumer prices will drop anyway as a result of deregulation of the nation's telecom industry.

This deal has put Bell Aliant is in a hard competitive spot anyway. It will hardly lose anything by speaking more forthrightly about how this project will affect them and their customers. On the face of it, would speaking publicly about the controversial deal make it less likely that Aliant can get the government account back or that it can win any other telecom contracts?

Bell Aliant can deal authoritatively with technical issues. The company can speak frankly about its service, costs and long-term telecom issues. By speaking openly and frankly, the company will give its consumers the chance to see - if they don't already - a company that is interested in more than the customer's bank account.

But look at it this way, as well: if early and complete disclosure instills confidence, then silence is taken as consent. Every negative comment made by Aliant's competitors about Aliant's costs and service is left unchallenged. To the ordinary consumer, that looks like an admission of guilt or fault.

To be sure, each of the companies involved has first-rate marketers handling corporate advertising. The bigger companies - like Rogers and Aliant - have competent public relations professionals on the payroll. Persona uses a well-connected and creative advertising firm in St. John's. Nothing said here is a slight to them and their competence.

What seems to be missing in this controversy is an understanding in the corporate headshed that there is more to public relations than issuing a happy-faced news release supporting the latest marketing venture. If the in-house team of general public relations practitioners lacks the specialized skills - and they are specialized - to handle a controversial government relations and media relations issue, then there are plenty of practitioners who can lend a hand.

If all you have is a marketer, understand that advertising is built on image. PR handles your reputation and a competent PR professional will make sure that your media appearances are considerably more successful than Dean Macdonald's recent foray to the local open line shows or a short-lived trip into another corporation's boardroom. [See here, here and here.]

The business landscape in Newfoundland and Labrador is littered with the carcasses of good projects that have foundered for want of some straightforward public relations support. The failures affect the bottom line, either in lost opportunities, unrecovered expenditures, or added expenses from delays. For publicly traded companies, the impact on share price - even if marginal - is still an impact that could be avoided. For all, the impact on their reputation is easy to figure out.

It might be difficult sometimes for managers to see the return on a public relations investment. But ask Fishery Products International, the Hebron consortium, IOC, INCO, Fortis and its Belize dam and now the Telecom Four about the cost of not investing in building awareness, understanding, of influencing attitudes and behaviour.

Few projects are lost irretrievably. Even if the public relations efforts were left out or botched, there is always a chance to sort out the mess.

All it takes is a phone call.

05 February 2014

Turn, turn, turn #nlpoli

Dale Kirby and Christopher Mitchelmore shifted their desks in the House of Assembly on Tuesday from the independent or unaffiliated part of the chamber to sit with the Liberals.

They left the New Democratic Party last fall voicing concerns as they left about Lorraine Michael’s leadership and the lack of election readiness in the party that had, in 2012, at one point topped the polls in the province.

The news on Tuesday was probably the least surprising news of any that’s happened in provincial politics in the past six months, but that didn’t stop some people from  moaning about it.