A simple, well-crafted letter and the missing attachment.
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The real political division in society is between authoritarians and libertarians.
A simple, well-crafted letter and the missing attachment.
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At an announcement in St. John's today, Liberal leader Stephane Dion pledged to invest in the fishing industry, including:
. $70 million to retire core commercial harvesting licences for fishermen and women who want to get out of the business.
. $250 million for a Green Fisheries and Transport Fund that would provide rebates and incentives for investments in the latest technologies to cut fuel consumption and to help finance modernization of fishing vessels and on-shore equipment to make them more energy efficient.
. $100 million to improve small craft harbours across Canada, including $25 million for harbours in Canada's north.
. A pledge to try to establish the first international protected area for the vital cod nursery to prevent foreign over-fishing of the Tail of the Grand Banks.
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The first bit of his schedule is at liberal.ca.
Some announcements on fisheries and offshore revenues, according to news media.
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In his Globe column on Stephen Harper this first campaign weekend, Rex Murphy demonstrates an ability to observe but not see.
Murphy begins with a description of the television ads currently running:
They're from a series of seven, titled "At home with Stephen Harper." And very gentle, soft, fuzzy little minuets they are. In the jargon of PR, they try to "humanize" the Prime Minister.
He then writes:
Well, he's been running the country now for a bit more than 2½ years. We've seen him in the House. We've seen him at press conferences. We've seen him on his good days and on his bad. And the cumulative impression we have of him is already fixed.
and then proceeds to a glowing description of the Prime Minister:
For all his angularity, occasional harshness and remoteness, Canadians recognize him as a leader. They see him, in the main, as competent and determined. They are not embarrassed when he goes abroad. They know he has intelligence to spare. And despite his chilliness of manner (which I expect is as much a product of shyness as arrogance), he's a decent man who loves his country. For good or ill, that's the package - and in the campaign about to unfold, from the Conservatives' perspective, it's mainly for the good.
While noting that he does not agree with the "premise" of the television ads designed to "humanize" Harper, as Murphy puts it, Murphy is prepared to list the qualities we know and pronounce them as placing Harper well ahead of the other party leaders, particularly Stephan Dion.
Murphy's observation may well be accurate in the long run; Harper and his party may well win the election.
What he does not see - or at least does not show signs of seeing - is that Murphy, like Canadians across the country, has not seen Stephen Harper at all.
We have observed the premise of Stephen Harper. We get the assumption on which we are supposed to base our vote.
That is, we watch minuets, to use Murphy's word: carefully scripted dances.
We have observed that this Prime Minister is visible outside those carefully contrived moments as we have of Dion, Layton and other political leaders in Canada current and former.
As a Canadian who lives at one end of the country but who is no less removed from the mainstream of national media as anyone living in Toronto, your humble e-scribbler cannot recall anything of Harper that was not scripted.
Managed.
Contrived.
As with the television ads, fake.
It is that inherent sense of falseness - designed not by public relations people as Murphy states but advertising types - that Murphy and others ought to find unsettling.
Murphy forgets the great set-to between the parliamentary press gallery and the Prime Minister's Office on the point of control. it was about nothing more than establishing tight and unrelenting control over what snippets of Stephen Harper Canadians are allowed to see.
Harper won that tussle as he inevitably would and from the moment he took office, Stephen Harper has presented to the world only that much of himself and his government as fits the premise to be presented; nothing more and far, far less than we are used to or that we deserve. Rather than reducing the "Daddy" ads to a mere passing point, Murphy could more accurately have said that they are yet another element in a diligently mapped plan to gain power and to exercise that power to do something.
The "something" unfortunately has not been approved for disclosure. We are not allowed to vote on what Harper will do, only on the pretty pictures all posed with precision. We are to assume it, and risk the dangers that go with every unchallenged assumption.
One of the hallmarks of leadership - a word Murphy uses but does not define - is the ability to inspire men and women to attain a goal. Barack Obama inspires. He is able to describe in simple words the hopes and aspirations of millions of Americans in a way that invites them along on a journey. He is seen, at ease, in the company of others and even alone on a stage amid tens of thousands of cheering Americans already committed to his political party, he seems to reach past the physical distance between himself and others.
Stephen Harper does not inspire. His cold, aloof manner is not a virtue in this regard, as much as Murphy seems to think it does. It is a barrier between him and others. It is a barrier that Harper's script writers are evidently conscious of and worried about. If they were not, they would not have come up with the ads featuring actors reading words written by others in an effort to "humanize" Harper. They would not present Harper himself mouthing words. If they were not uneasy about Harper they would not have had someone pick precisely the right clothes in exactly the right shades of blue to convey exactly the picture they wished to others to see. They would not have paid someone to cut and style his hair into a gray helmet that, if nothing else, looks right for whatever impression they desired to leave.
Obama, like all political leaders since the 1960s, is no less surrounded by the handlers, hairdressers, and writers; it is just that we cannot see with him as obviously as we see with Harper the signs of their manipulations. The one is a skilled craft that is merely aimed at presenting a clear picture of the man. The elegance of their work is that is not evident. One suspects it is not evident because they are able to let the man speak for himself without worrying about the impression.
With Harper, we can see every pixel.
We see every line.
Every line pointing somewhere.
But we are not allowed to know - and during the campaign the managers will work hardest of all to ensure - that we do not know where those lines really point.
Perhaps from Toronto, Rex Murphy is too close to the screen to tell what road it is showing.
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When it comes to federal politics, reporters and other observers sometimes misunderstand the words the Premier uses.
It's really very simple.
Whenever he says "Newfoundland and Labrador" or "we", he means "Danny Williams".
That's it.
The confusion comes from the fact that most people do not consider the entire province, all its people and their collective interest to be the same thing nor do they believe it is embodied in one person.
By contrast, he does.
As in words after the 2007 general election to the effect that "I believe in my heart and soul that I embody the heart and soul of Newfoundlanders and Labradorians."
It was a real "l'etat? C'est moi!" kinda moment.
So take a quote like this one:
"From a Green Shift perspective, as well, Newfoundland and Labrador is just basically waiting to see where all the cards are going to fall here."
On the face of it, this is a pretty ludicrous statement given that in the same scrum, the Premier said that "[t]his election is not going to be decided strictly on Green Shift."
He's right on that point.
The election isn't going to be decided on one issue.
And the Green Shift was never intended to be the silver bullet of the next federal election.
The Green Shift is a niche policy designed to move a certain type of voter. It won't appeal to everyone, but it will appeal to enough to make a difference here and there. Coupled with other similar niche ideas, it could tip enough ridings to propel the Liberals to a minority or majority government.
The whole concept is taken from the Conservative strategy in 2005/06.
That's why the Connies fear it so much they are apoplectic trying to make the Green Shift some vision of the apocalypse.
But if you go back and apply the universal translator to that quote, you can see that, in fact, Danny Williams is waiting to see how the field shapes up on policies before he endorses one party or any party.
Now the quote makes perfect sense.
That's what the Premier did in 2004. He waited to see how the offers looked and he went with the one he liked.
He did it again in 2005/06, endorsing Stephen Harper and the Conservatives even though the Layton New Democrats said yes to every single thing the Premier asked for in his Letter to Santa 2005.
But here's the thing: in both federal elections, the Premier's impact on voters even in Newfoundland and Labrador produced a marginal effect.
In 2004, he made it tough for the local volunteers to turn out for the Conservative brethren. They lacked party workers, but the Conservatives who won, did so in usual Conservative seats.
Individual voters still turned out and voted federally for their own choice in a secret ballot, in many cases, despite what their provincial vote may have looked like or what the Premier wanted.
In 2005/06, it became safe for provincial Tories not only to work on Connie campaigns but to run for them as well.
But don't forget one crucial point: the resulting seat count was exactly the same as in 2004. There were changes in voter turn-out but the overall impact of the Premier's position and intervention was marginal at best.
So while Danny Williams may like to answer reporters questions about the next federal election, it's doubtful the federal Conservatives are taking him too seriously. Aside from the impact in his own province, Danny Williams just doesn't travel well. Sure there are people who crop up here and there saying lovely things about him, but - as with every other provincial premier since the dawn of time - he just doesn't carry much beyond his own province.
That's because - fundamentally - Danny Williams is not identified as speaking on national issues from a national perspective. He's not even really speaking on a plane that connects with voters in Dauphin or Deseronto.
He's a niche player, with a niche impact.
Like a Green Shift.
The only difference among the federal parties is that - rightly or wrongly - the federal Conservatives have taken the measure of the niche impact based on two kicks at the can in the recent past.
The New Democrats seem to have missed the lessons. So too have some of the local Liberals - candidates and back roomers alike - who want to court Danny in the belief his blessing will be all that is needed to change their fortunes.
But the Connies?
They've decided the impact isn't enough to worry about, either locally or nationally. To get the point, think about that famous Stephen Harper quote from October 2006 in Gander.
You know.
The one that came only from the Premier himself. Something like "We don't need Newfoundland and Labrador."
Apply the Universal Translator.
Now you understand why DW is so pissed.
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Liberal Leader Stéphane Dion is pledging to foster a relationship of co-operation with Newfoundland and Labrador Premier Danny Williams, who has a history of high-profile feuds with Ottawa.Mr. Dion and Mr. Williams met Saturday in St. John's and discussed several issues, including equalization and the province's fisheries, after which Mr. Williams said Mr. Dion is a man he can trust.
The pair said they hadn't intended to reach any formal agreements, but rather open a dialogue that would continue if Mr. Dion is elected prime minister.
"We conclude with the most valuable gain that two human beings may have — mutual trust," Mr. Dion told a news conference following the meeting.