Gouging consumers on gas

So the gas pumps in the province are prone to error in favour of retailers, as CBC reports.

Well, sort of.

We don’t know how many gas pumps there are in the province but CBC reports that of the 962 examined over a two year period, nine percent didn’t pump accurately.

Of the nine percent, 56% erred in favour of the retailer.  Logically, the remaining  44% didn’t pump the right amount but the consumer benefited.

But do the math on that to understand if you had a “decent chance” of not getting the right gas amount as the CBC story asserts. 

Fifty-six percent of nine percent of 962 works out to be 48.

48 out of 962.

That works out to be 4.9%.

So at any time you are buying gas, about five percent of the pumps across the province could be reading incorrectly in favour of the retailer.

Four percent of the pumps will make mistakes in your favour.

Gasoline watchdog George Murphy thinks that federal government officials should inspect every gas pump in the province twice a year in order to stop this. Taxpayers would bear the full freight for that, most likely.

Seems like a bit of overkill given the number of errors is relative small.

If you want to stop gouging consumers, it would be far easier and far less costly to consumers if we simply got rid of  the gas price fixing scheme the provincial government runs.  People like George Murphy agitated for that in order to protect consumers.

As it turned out, the government price fixing scheme gouges the people pumping gas into their cars 100% of the time.  The only people who benefit from it are gasoline retailers and the provincial government and they benefit from the price fixing scheme 100% of the time.

Five percent chance you could lose some money versus 100% chance of getting hosed.

There’s gouging and then there’s gouging, obviously.

That’s math anyone can follow.

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Then there's the Big Oil thing...

From the Financial Post, another article by Calgary bureau chief Claudia Cattaneo based in part on her recent trip to the province:

Yet what is becoming increasingly obvious is that control of Newfoundland's future is slipping into the hands of Alberta, largely because of Mr. Williams' unrealistic expectations and the market's dispassionate behaviour.

Canada's two top oil-producing economies are developing such a strong symmetry they are becoming either/or situations in a skills-challenged reality, to the point it may take a big downturn in Alberta for Newfoundland to get a shot at benefiting from its offshore riches in the future.

[Paragraphing added for clarity] Three reasons: - Oil is badly needed, but labour and brains to produce it are now needed even more. Newfoundland's people and oil services companies are moving to Alberta in large numbers. The exodus is so large that Newfoundland's business community fears the province no longer has the workforce to build a new project, even if one were announced tomorrow. It also worries it cannot compete with Alberta wages, making any attempt to lure its people back futile.

Cattaneo offers an assessment of the proposed energy plan, based as much as anything else on feedback she got from the local business community and what she is hearing from the oil companies. An equity stake for the provincial government's Hydro corporation, a high level of local investment by oil companies and a super-royalty regime.

She's also comparing the local policy approach to the Alberta one and the contrast is striking:

In addition, the fiscal terms would make Newfoundland uncompetitive with Alberta, where the government has not owned a piece of the oil industry since it sold Alberta Energy Co. (the predecessor of EnCana Corp.) 20 years ago; its royalty rates, while under review, do not escalate with higher commodity prices; and there is no requirement to invest locally, other than a preference by the government to keep as much heavy oil upgrading in the province as possible.

[Paragraphing added for clarity] - Most companies with interests in Newfoundland's offshore now have ambitious oil sands plans. In fact, those plans have escalated since Hebron talks failed, making a return to the East Coast a hard task: ExxonMobil Corp. is a partner in the Kearl Lake project and has taken a larger role in the management of the Syncrude mining consortium; Petro-Canada is priming its Fort Hills project for takeoff in the summer; Chevron Corp. is a partner in the Athabasca Oil Sands Project, which is expanding aggressively; ConocoPhillips has its hands full with a major oilsands partnership with EnCana and interests in two other oilsands projects; Husky Energy Inc. just bought a major refinery in the United States as part of its own oilsands strategy. Even Norsk Hydro, the Norwegian oil company that has been taken over by Statoil ASA, made a big leap in the oilsands two weeks ago when it purchased North American Oil Sands Corp. and now plans to become one of its largest operators.

The energy plan may be released by June. Then again, if past patterns hold, the plan will be pushed off by one or another crisis in government or by another project that is ahead of it in the serial government pipeline.

If Cattaneo's assessment is correct - and local chatter suggests the oil companies have already squawked about the revised royalty regimes - then expect the plan to be pushed off until the fall election.

Then it will become the centrepiece of the Autonomy Campaign. With the controversy it will surely generate, the government Progressive Conservatives will contrast their approach with those they will undoubtedly accuse of caving in to Big Oil and possessing the weakest of weak knees.

The caricature of Hugo Chavez will be readily apparent to those who see it. The Premier will point to his relationship with Husky as evidence he isn't all that bad. maybe he's right, but then again, Husky won't be affected by the energy plan the way other companies - the ones with new projects - would be as they look to invest in offshore oil and gas. Newfoundland and Labrador needs capital to develop the offshore, but that isn't as important as the need for political capital that comes from creating foreign demons that must be fought for the good of the local collective.

All great political theatre.

It just won't matter for the development of a local oil industry.

The energy plan would have then become a tool for politics, not a tool for long-term economic development, just as with virtually every previous administration and every other major economic prospect.

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India looks to attract "Big Oil"

While some parts of the world are making it harder for oil companies to explore and develop, India is changing its regulatory policy to attract Big Oil and its capital for investment.

"An open acreage policy will be much more attractive to us as we can choose the time of entering India’s exploration sector, and also choose the blocks we want to explore," a senior Shell official said.

Shell, like British Petroleum, Chevron, Exxon, Petrobras and Total, did not bid for exploration blocks in earlier NELP rounds.

The timing, to offer the auction of exploration blocks in India in June or July, does not suit most oil companies as they have already put in their capital expenditure on exploration into other areas across the world, the Shell official said.

"By July, we have already put in our annual planned expenditure for exploration in projects. That is one of the reasons why we are not able to bid in the auction in India," said an official of British Gas, which won one exploration block in NELP VI, in partnership with ONGC.

Government officials say the launch of the OALP is slated to take place soon. "We are working towards offering the open acreage policy together with NELP VII. However, that would involve lot of work as data for areas across the country have to be collected," an official at the Directorate General of Hydrocarbons said.

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Telling fantasy from reality in the offshore

Premier Danny Williams is quoted by the Financial Post Saturday edition as saying that the provincial government is holding informal talks with the Hebron partners aimed at getting the project back on track.

Williams has made the same claim on several occasions since talks collapsed last April but there is no objective evidence the talks are occurring.

In the immediate aftermath of the collapse, Williams made a similar claim. His subsequent comments however, made it clear the operators had merely been contacting provincial officials to confirm the provincial position in light of the Premier's comments to news media. No talks took place.

Williams made the same claim to local news media recently, but as Offal News pointed out, no industry sources would confirm anything beyond routine contacts on unrelated matters.

It wouldn't be the first time Williams made a claim that turned out to be at odds with the facts. In 2004, Williams claimed to have the support of provincial premiers for his position
on Equalization offsets. No evidence to support the claim appeared and, in fact, the subsequent criticism both publicly and privately from other provinces - particularly Ontario's Dalton McGuinty - , suggest the original claim lacked foundation. A letter from McGuinty that Williams said was an endorsement of the position turned out to be little more than a routine letter that included general good wishes on talks between the federal government and the Williams administration.

Williams has also claimed that Prime Minister Stephen Harper has committed to a loan guarantee on the Lower Churchill. Harper has said nothing of the sort publicly. His written commitments - used by Williams in the current Equalization row - merely talk of a commitment to talks aimed at exploring possible support in the spirit of Hibernia.

The federal government initially provided loan guarantees to Hibernia but also invested directly in the project when one of the partners withdrew. As well, federal finance policy favours equity investment as opposed to loan guarantees.

According to the Post story, a Chevron spokesman "denied there are discussions or negotiations underway with the province."

A quick analysis of contending interests suggests there are no talks.

For a sitting Premier, facing criticism of his handling of the offshore in an election year, it bolsters his cause to claim that talks exist even if they are nothing more than rebuffed contacts initiated by the province.

For the industry, it would do no harm to confirm that there have been informal discussions but that obstacles remain.

Their continued denials of any talks suggest that they are simply stating the fact.Allowing the Premier to save face would be a simple and cost-free way of rebuilding a relationship that appears to have been damaged significantly in the wake of the Hebron collapse.

A sign of the bad blood between government and the operators came with the rejection by the province of the Hibernia South expansion. The province offered the public excuse that they rejected the application because it lacked crucial information. provincial officials glossed over the fact that they had failed to indicate they had any questions and took no action to find the information they sought, despite having the application in hand for the better part of a year.

In a related but unconfirmed story circulating in the local oil patch, senior officials of the province's Hydro corporation are said to have visited at least one of the Hebron operators last spring, after the talks collapsed, with a simple proposition: come back to the table, accept our position on Hebron and Hibernia South will proceed without a hitch.

If that story is true, it is a clear sign that talks ended in an atmosphere that can only be cleared with radical changes in position on both sides. If the story isn't true, its very existence suggests that feelings are running high and that the ill feeling on both sidesleft in the wake of the collapsed talks will take some time to disappate.

Obstacles do remain to Hebron talks, the same ones that existed previously. The provincial government continues to insist on a 4.9% equity position and has rejected any talk of investment tax credits or tax breaks. The provincial negotiating team is still led by Hydro's Ed Martin.

For the operators, the equity position remains a key problem especially so in light of the conflict of interest in having the future operating partner acting as the lead negotiator for the provincial treasury on taxes and royalties. To follow the Norwegian model of offshore management, as opposed to the Venezuelan or Nigerian one, that conflict of interest would definitely need to be addressed if talks could continue.

At least, the Andy Wells factor has been neutralized. Williams tried to install Andy Wells as head of the offshore regulatory board in a move that may have been aimed at stacking the deck in a manner more familiar in Venezuela or Nigeria than Norway. The related matter of fallow field legislation - which in Williams version appeared to be Venezuelan-style expropriation instead of Norwegain-style management - appears to be off the table entirely as well.

Those two elements would have given Williams his apparent preferred bargaining position: he holds all the options and the other party has no choice but comply. In the absence of that level of control of the situation, it is unlikely the provincial government would be eager to return to the bargaining table. The premier's rhetoric over the past year establishes his last position on hebron as his new minimum.

Since that exceeded what the companies were prepared to accept and in the absence of any legal means to force a deal on his own terms, it would appear highly unlikely there is any hope of getting hebron back on the rails.

That is until positions or players change.

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Conoco drilling delayed in Laurentian until at least 2009

According to The Telegram, ConocoPhillips won't be drilling exploratory wells on its Laurentian basin properties until at least 2009 because of rig availability questions and problems in completing seismic surveys.

In addition to the global demand for deep water drilling rigs, the geology of the area is posing problems for seismic interpretation.

Seismic surveys are used to map what lies beneath the ocean floor. Waves of compressed air are shot toward the seabed, and the signal reflected back creates an image of rocks and pools of oil and gas that are found kilometres below the ocean floor.

In the case of the Laurentian surveys, the pulse bounced back multiple times and the images were unclear. What might have taken 10 months to evaluate took 18 months to clean up the images.

"The Laurentian Basin is an absolute frontier basin. There are no wells in the deepwater portion of that basin," said Hogg. "We are in our infancy in understanding the basin."

The Conoco land parcels are in water as much as 2,200 metres deep but only as shallow as 1100 metres. That puts them on par with the Orphan Basin and large portions of the Gulf of Mexico where the Jack 2 field was recently discovered. Even if commercial quantities of oil and gas are confirmed, the water depth involved would pose a challenge for current technology to exploit profitably.

Those practical challenges are one of the most potent arguments against any facile approach to land management such as fallow field that would demand development within as little as five or 10 years by a company or face expropriation. When it was originally discovered, Hebron was considered commercially non-viable since its heavy oil (circa API 21) and fractured structures posed significant problems for then-extant engineering and oil extraction ability. Only changes on the technical side coupled with changes in world oil demand made the project commercially viable some 20 years after it was discovered.

A Conoco spokesman also told the Telegram that

the company will continue to work with the province as it develops the royalty regime.

"That being said, it is important to us to have the royalty (regime) before we drill the well."

Premier Danny Williams told the Financial Post in an interview on Friday that the provincial government is working on a new oil and gas royalty regime. Key components of both will be a so-called "equity" position for the provincial government through its Hydro corporation.

Mr. Williams said the energy policy will require provincial equity stakes in both future oil and gas projects, but wouldn't reveal how much, other than it will be higher than the 4.9% negotiated for Hebron.

It will also include a natural gas royalty regime, which has also been expected for years, and cover environmental requirements and the electricity industry.

The gas regime has been completed and has been shared for feedback with Husky and ConocoPhillips Co., Mr. Williams said.

Unconfirmed reports put the equity demand at 10%. That could mean little to Husky, which is seeking to develop gas prospects on its White Rose project and which would be grandfathered through the equity provisions of the regime.

For companies like Conoco, however, such a demand, especially when the financial implications are still far from clear, could further delay exploration. Both Williams and his close associates have stated that the provincial government would pay for an equity position. They have yet to explain how the provincial government, supposedly labouring under an enormous debt burden, would find the hundreds of millions of dollars such a stake could cost. Nor have they stated how an equity position would provide any financial or other benefits to the province beyond the huge returns already received. Williams has consistently denigrated existing royalty regimes despite their delivering over 25% of the provincial government's own-source revenue.

if the province's royalty regime raises the cost of exploration and development beyond the company's profitability on a frontier field, Conoco's drilling program - now forecast for 2009 at the earliest - may well be pushed back further into the future.

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Chavez seizes last private oil fields

Shortly after midnight Monday/Tuesday, Venezuelan soldiers moved in and state oil company workers in hard hats raised the Venezuelan flag over four oil fields in the Orinoco Basin.

In Orinoco, Chavez says the state will take a minimum 60 percent stake in the operations, but he is urging the foreign companies to stay and help develop the fields. They have until June 26 to negotiate the terms, including compensation and reduced stakes.

The companies appear to be taking a tough stand, demanding conditions - and presumably compensation - to convince them that Venezuela will be a good place to do business.

In a related development, Venezuela will be leaving the International Monetary Fund and the World Bank as part of Chavez's efforts to move the country away from capitalism. Chavez is also nationaliizing electricity production in the country and has threatened to seize private hispotals if health care costs continue to rise.

There are some limmits to Chavez's nationalisation. The state-owned oil company reportedly needs the continued involvement of private multi-natyions such as Chevron and ExxonMobil since the company lacks the expertise to fully exploit Venezuela's oil fields.

Mercopress, an independent news agency in Latin America, describes Tuesday's developments this way:

But in spite of the bombast, this “nationalisation” is in fact the start of a renegotiation of contractual terms that will more than likely leave PdVSA with a majority stake.

The international oil companies – ConocoPhillips, ExxonMobil, Chevron, Total, BP and Statoil – are being faced with several key issues: whether they will retain a sufficient stake to make staying worthwhile; how they are to be compensated for their reduced share; and whether they have a hope of exploiting reserves technically owned by Venezuela.

The market value of the companies’ assets in the Orinoco Belt is about $15bn (€11bn, £7.5bn) meaning $4bn-$5bn is at stake, although analysts say compensation is likely to be less given Venezuela’s threat to pay only book value.

Americans open new offshore leases

The United States interior department announced today it had open lease sales on 48 million acres of offshore land in the Gulf of Mexico, offshore Alaska and the central Atlantic continental shelf off Virginia.

Interior secretary Dirk Kempthorne said the 21 parcels could yield as much as 10 billion barrels of oil and 45 trillion cubic feet of natural gas.

The total estimated potential oil reserves offshore Newfoundland and Labrador is 10 billion barrels.

The official news release described the five year outer continental shelf exploration program as follows:

There is no leasing proposed within 125 miles of the Florida coast or east of the military mission line in the Eastern Gulf. The program includes a Central Gulf sale in 2007 that involves a portion of the Sale 181 area and, as mandated by the Gulf of Mexico Energy Security Act of 2006, one lease sale in the Eastern Gulf in 2008.

The Act, signed by President George W. Bush on December 20, 2006, requires oil and gas leasing in a portion of the area known as the “Sale 181 Area,” consisting of 2,574,823 million acres, of which 2,028,730 is in the Central Gulf and about 546,093 acres is in the Eastern Gulf of Mexico Planning Area. The proposed sale area “181 South” consists of 5,762,620 acres. The total of new areas in the Gulf offered under the proposed program is 8,337,443 acres.

The leasing program schedules eight sales in Alaska: two in the Beaufort Sea; three in the Chukchi Sea; up to two in Cook Inlet; and one in the North Aleutian Basin – in an area of about 5.6 million acres that was previously offered during Lease Sale 92 in 1985. There are currently no existing leases in the North Aleutian Basin. These areas would be subject to environmental reviews, including public comment, and extensive consultation with state and local governments and tribal organizations before any lease sale proceeds.

The release included a backgrounder and fact sheet.

While some of the areas included in the interior department program would be new to exploration, the Gulf of Mexico lands are adjacent to a well-established oil and gas producing region with considerable infrastructure. As well, the Gulf Of Mexico is close to some of the largest refineries in the United States.

All of this increases competition for exploration attention in comparison to the Newfoundland and Labrador offshore. The local offshore holds and estimated 0.4% of the world's estimated oil and gas reserves.

An analysis of global trends in exploration were linked in this post on Australian energy development. The new head of Chevron discusses his company's global plans in the story and the podcast linked from this post.

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Conoco Canada boss looking at expanded presence

ConocoPhillip's new chief executive officer in Canada is interested in developing the company's Canadian assets.

Of the Newfoundland and Labrador offshore, Kevin Meyers said:

"There are a multitude of options out there [to reduce greenhouse gas emissions]. A lot of them will require technologies to be developed, so we are looking for greenhouse gas policies that are cognizant of this." Newfoundland: The company wants to explore in the Laurentian Basin off Newfoundland, but won't move forward until the province sets fiscal terms for natural gas production, likely in conjunction of Premier Danny Williams' long-awaited energy policy, expected this spring. "Do we want to drill? Yes. It is difficult for us to come forward with any public plans about drilling exploration wells in the Laurentian Basin until we have an understanding of what the fiscal regime is going to be," Mr. Meyers said.

Meyers told the National Post that Canada is an attractive investment prospect since its stable political and fiscal climate offsets many of the challenges of developing oil and gas fields which, as Meyers describes it "can be marginal in nature. They are always in the cutting edge of cost and service or supply, but that stability of fiscal regime helps offset that.

Meyers warned though: "You do worry when government starts to take away that advantage it has."

Like in Newfoundland and Labrador, one wonders.

Meyers should understand the political climate on Canada's Eastern Front. His last post was running Conoco's operations in Russia under Vladimir Putin.

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