02 November 2008

Inflation menace? Not so much.

Yes, with the world economy in a bit of a crisis and central banks and political in the West worried about recession, the inflation hysteria has subsided in most places.

Like Australia:

"The clear deceleration in annual inflation since June signals quite starkly the speed at which the inflation problem of the last few years is unwinding,'' said Joshua Williamson,  a senior strategist at TD Securities in Sydney.

"The depressed domestic economy, especially for consumer demand, together with the sharp fall in commodity prices, suggests we could be in the early stages of a substantial deceleration in price pressure,'' he added.

The biggest decrease in the index came from falling prices for fruit and vegetables, holiday travel and accommodation, and household services, today's report showed. Those declines were partially offset by higher costs for financial services, books and newspapers.

Or Europe:

European inflation edged down in October, data released Friday showed, as a result helping to pave the way for the European Central Bank to deliver another hefty rate cut next week.

Or even the United States:

As dozens of countries slip deeper into financial distress, a new threat may be gathering force within the American economy — the prospect that goods will pile up waiting for buyers and prices will fall, suffocating fresh investment and worsening joblessness for months or even years.

The word for this is deflation, or declining prices, a term that gives economists chills.

-srbp-

Staff failure

Republican vice presidential candidate Sarah Palin found herself on the receiving end of a prank phone call

Two Montreal comedians posed as French president Nicholas Sarkozy.  They had her going for five minutes before they let her off the hook.  Her office issued a statement admitting she'd been fooled.

Well, actually she wasn't fooled.  Her staff was.  They failed their job of protecting her from this sort of fun. ordinarily staff should have screened the call and confirmed the identity before putting it through.

Yet more evidence Palin and her people aren't ready for the job she's running for.

-srbp-

01 November 2008

The deafening silence

Federal finance leprechaun Jim Flaherty has been signaling the need to cap the Equalization system this year.

"It's a federal program; we will put a limit on the growth of it," Mr. Flaherty said. "This is not something that is discretionary. We must do this, otherwise the integrity of the program will be under attack."

Flaherty says that in the face of a possible federal deficit for the first time in ages (i.e. the last time the Conservatives ran the place), it won't be possible to have a 15% annual increase in the funds allocated to the federal transfer.

Based on government data, federal transfers to other levels of government have surged 57% in the past five years, to $46.1-billion in the most recent fiscal year from $29.3-billion in 2003-04.

"In this time of fiscal uncertainty, we cannot sustain that rate of growth," Mr. Flaherty said this week.

Flaherty is likely to lay out the whole thing for his provincial counterparts at a meeting in Toronto on Monday. 

Newly minted provincial finance minister Jerome Kennedy will be at the meeting.

Okay.

For the past five years, the current Provincial Conservative administration has been hammering away at the need for increasing federal transfer payments to Newfoundland and Labrador.

For the past two, the entire Family Feud between the Provincial Conservatives and the their federal cousins centred on an effort to get Equalization payments in addition to oil and gas revenues, even if, under ordinary circumstances, Newfoundland and Labrador wouldn't qualify for the Equalization top-up.  In fact, this idea of getting effectively 200% of oil revenues  (all the cash plus Equalization hand-outs) is the original demand Danny Williams made to Paul Martin. 

That's why it is so bizarre that the provincial government talked about anything but Flaherty's remarks over the past couple of days.

Trivia was the order of the day at the cabinet shuffle and what wasn't trivia was pretty much stock stuff. Take a look at the raw scrum tape - via CBC - and you'll see the lightweight routine.

There's a reference to being fine on the current budget, without understanding that means increasing public debt if the budget targets are met.

There's some slagging of the oil sands and a claim that there won't be any delay on Hebron. No one apparently noticed that the Hebron project hasn't been sanctioned yet.  How exactly can you forecast "no delay" in a project that has no timeline yet?

The ultimate superficial commentary came on the matter of representation.  In Ottawa, there's not a problem since it's like the local cabinet where everyone looks after everything everywhere. Later on, the Premier refers to Susan Sullivan and filling in the hole in the dough, giving proper cabinet representation for a region of the province not previously represented in the Conservative cabinet.  Sarah Palin couldn't have reasoned it anymore consistently, right down to insisting - in a manner of speaking - that a little fellow from up the shore could see Labrador from his house.

But nothing of the substantive issues facing the province, beyond a comment that there might theoretically be some difficulty in forecasting oil prices.

As for the consistent set of demands from the current cabinet for more cash hand-outs from Ottawa and Jim Flaherty's comments, there was nary a peep either from the cabinet or from reporters.

The silence was deafening.

Well, except for the CBC audio picking up messages coming to the Blackberries in the room.

The end result is that one wonders what, exactly will be the policy direction taken by cabinet "on a go forward basis".  Until now, the cabinet has been fairly consistent in its remands for reparations from Ottawa, in its insistence that it can go-it-alone provided Ottawa ponies up the cash. The same ministers sit in place today, with a very minor number of exceptions, as sat in place in October 2003.

Yet, there is an evident change in perspective.

It can't be driven by the prospect of going off the Equalization system.  That was forecast in 2004, even without the subsequent transfer deal with Paul Martin.

There's something else behind it.

You can tell by what isn't being said.

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One man band

Former Australian Prime Minister John Howard liked to go-it-alone on major policy decisions, according to a new documentary on his administration.

Howard adviser Arthur Sinodinos made it clear the office knew how radical a GST was.

According to a colleague, Mr Sinodinos said: "We've taken a boat, we've sailed it down the coast of Africa and we've gone into the jungle and pulled out the meanest, nastiest gorilla we could find, sailed back to Australia and let it loose on the streets."

That same lack of consultation is clear regarding Mr Howard's historic letter of December 19, 1998, to then Indonesian president BJ Habibie telling him Australia was changing its policy and backing for the first time an act of self-determination for East Timor. Says then deputy prime minister Tim Fischer: "Let me tell you something: the most important letter ever written during the Coalition government's period of office, leading to the creation of East Timor, never went to cabinet."

Given current trends, one wonders how much of this approach applies in parliamentary democracies. 

In some instances, it might appear that the first minister is clearly the one directing things. 

In other instances, the first minister's staff appear to have a hand in the ongoing management of government including extremely serious policy issues, sometimes without apparent adult supervision.

There are certainly parallels in the Australian experience to trends Donald Savoie identified in his recent book on the Canadian and British experience.

One-man band's appear popular.

Being popular doesn't mean they are either effect or - from a constitutional perspective - desirable either.

-srbp-

31 October 2008

"par l'argent et par la vote ethnique" - 13 years later

Geez, it's funny how quickly some things slip by.

October 30 marked the 13th anniversary of the 1995 Quebec referendum.

What people seem to remember more than anything else is then-Premier Jacques Parizeau's speech delivered after the results poured in.

He blamed the separatist on two simple things - money and the ethnic vote - and promised that there would be another vote before long: " we won't wait another 15 years."

The video  above is a rather poor copy of the original CBC/Radio Canada broadcast. 

Still, it's worth watching a 65 year old Parizeau giving vent to his frustrations, lashing out and warning of the potential for revenge being wreaked by unnamed forces.  All the more reason, he then says to have the Parti Quebecois there to defend Quebeckers.

Threats of imaginary attacks. Ranting about "us" and "them".  Dividing the world along ethnic lines.  The need for a political force to defend - to stand up for - the province. Such familiar ideas.

For those who can't follow the speech in French, you can find the whole thing with English translation at CBC's digital archive.

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Cabinet stir

Shake-up suggests a substantive change.

This is more like a minor shuffle, a bit of a stir in cabinet as a few people around the table exchanges files, switch nameplates and scrape their chairs a bit on the floor changing places around the table.

It represents some tactical shifts but the cabinet remains remarkably the same despite the dismal performance of some of the ministers.  Some of the most dismal even got promotions.

1.  Biggest Feature:  Moving Jerome Kennedy to finance from justice gives one of the heirs apparent to the Premier's job some experience in dealing with the full spread of government activities.

2. Old news to Bond readers:  At the same time, moving a strong-willed minister into the portfolio at this point should make it clear that the provincial books are going to be tightened or, at the very least, any groups looking for government cash are going to have quite a racket on their hands.

"We are also shifting gears from a prosperous time to a more stringent time, for want of a better word," said Williams, whose government projected a $544-million surplus in the spring budget, based largely on high oil prices.

"It could be a tough period we're going to go through as well," Williams added.

Could be?  More like "count on it".

3.  No surprise: Kathy Dunderdale, fronting for the premier in natural resources adds the title "deputy premier" to her list of responsibilities.  She's been acting in this capacity and the extra title is recognition of her ability to follow instructions or least be less than forthcoming with embarrassing facts.

4.  Still one short:  Susan Sullivan comes in.  Charlene Johnson takes medical leave, with her portfolio now handled by another acting minister, on a go forward basis.

5. A promotion for what, exactly? Intergovernmental affairs should be a senior portfolio, handled by an experienced minister.  The trend at both the federal and provincial levels lately has been to hand the job to second or third stringers.

In this case, it's Dave Denine whose time in municipal affairs was notorious for its embarrassing moments.

6.  Structured to underperform:  Tom Hedderson as new minister of fisheries likely ensures that Derek Butler and anyone else interested in fisheries renewal will be left SOL by the cabinet stir.

7.   Stay the course:  Ross Wiseman and Joan Burke keep their portfolios despite much speculation  - even within Provincial Conservative circles - that they would be given a rest from their burdens.

8.  Back to the sidelines:  Having come back into the limelight through the innovation and fisheries portfolios, Trevor Taylor - once a high flier  - heads off to look after snow removal. No one is going to intimidate Trevor about road work, but then again, political staff in the Premier's Office have that one under control anyway.

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Friday's "Just Askin'"

With nickel prices down and the markets uncertain, would it sensible for VALE INCO to delay start of the smelter at Long Harbour and pay the penalties set out in the development deal with government?

Not cancel.

Just postpone and take the penalties in the short term?

Just thinking out loud on a Friday.

Just askin'.

-srbp-

The fishery: We are structured to underperform

[Note:  Following is the text of an address delivered by Derek Butler, executive director of the Association of Seafood Producers, October 30, 2008 to the Rotary Club of St. John's.

Butler's theme is both familiar and timely in light of recent decisions by the provincial government in the processing sector.  The audio of Butler's interview with the Fisheries Broadcast on the transfer of two licenses to existing plants can be found at seafoodproducers.org.]

 

 

Thank you, it is very kind of you to invite me to address you today. Good to be here, and again, I appreciate the invitation.

When a baby was killed when an airplane crash in the western USA in 1989 by being ripped out its mother’s arms and dashed up against the bulkhead, a political “solution” was proposed by having a federal law requiring babies to be strapped into their own seats on airplanes....

Well, that sounds eminently reasonable, I think we could all agree on first blush. Much of political rhetoric is based on this kind of illustration. Serious issue: step 1, identify the wrong problem, and be seen to be fixing it.

Or politics often identifies isolated problems to be solved, - not as trade-offs within an over system constrained by inherent limitations of resources, knowledge, etc.

Let’s see what happens with the airplane illustration.

…such a law, requiring parents to purchase an extra seat, would divert a portion of the traffic to cheaper alternative modes of transportation on the ground – most of which have higher mortality rates than airplanes, the result being that over a period of a decade, there would be an estimated saving of one baby’s life in airplane crashes, a loss of nine lives in alternative ground transportation, and an additional cost of $3 billion. [“An impact analysis of requiring child safety seats in air transportation,” Child Restraints Systems on Aircraft, Hearing before the Subcommittee on Aviation of the Committee on Public Works and Transportation, House of Representatives, July 12, 1990, p.215.]

The story illustrates dramatically, even graphically, the consequence of public policy defined on the basis of good intent, emotion.

Most - certainly too much - public policy is based on the intended consequence of that policy. “Save babies lives in fast braking or crashing airplanes.”

But you can only judge a policy by its actual outcomes, not by its intended consequence. The actual consequence is what counts. Sounds redundant, but it needs saying, and repeating.

Again, to quote my favorite economist, Thomas Sowell, “…the purpose of any policy tells you absolutely nothing about what will actually happen under that policy.”

The earlier example of child restraint on airplanes – which comes from his book The Vision of the Anointed: Self-congratulations as a Basis for Social Policy - leads to a new policy with a potential cost of billions, and more sadly, lives.

I am happy to say, after years of study, the FAA decided against the change, given the cost-benefit analysis above.

But that is how we too often approach things: with the intent, and often good motive, but without consideration of consequence, or outcome.

And I use it today, to illustrate a contention I’ve come to possess about how we manage and direct the fishery, in terms of public policy.

A fish plant closes?

Well, let’s save that fish plant. Noble goal, and in some sense, eminently feasible even, certainly for a given period.

A given number of actors – mayors, MHAs, ministers and union leaders, even new plant owners – can bring the forces to bear to save a given plant.

Having spent some time either working in or observing the political process – the world’s best spectator sport – I’ve come to see this as a classical political problem from this side of my career: identify the wrong problem, and then fix it or implement a policy with one intended consequence, and get an altogether different result. Ignore the result, and claim success.

Plant closes? Then let’s save the plant.

But why is the plant closing?

Is there enough resource to sustain it?

Is there a sufficient work force?

Does the plant have a procurement strategy? Is it overburdened with regulation? Does the plant have insufficient margins, squeezed between paying x for raw material, and only getting x-plus back from the market? Does it produce what the market wants, at the price point and in the quality form the market desires or requires?

We don’t often ask these important questions as much as we consider what might be the impacts on that particular plant closing on the local workforce and community.

Instead, we need to go back to the real business options, and there are just two, to maximize the value of the industry, to drive up incomes.

One, we can reduce our costs, and two, we can increase our revenues. Or we can try both.

The FFAW is on to the latter, as if that will solve all of our problems, but in a rather simplistic fashion. Just get more money out of the market. Charge more for the product. Ask for more money from those who buy our seafood.

Well, as I’ve reminded them in collective bargaining on occasion, when they suggest that is the way to tackle our problems, it doesn’t work that way.

GM did not lose $38.7 billion dollars in 2007 simply because some guy on the lot forget to flip up a higher price on the windshield.

They didn’t lose $2 billion in 2006, because someone in accounting forget to add a bigger digit to an invoice.

They lost money for structural reasons, related to tax liabilities, pension funds, labour costs, and a host of issues.

And asking the consumer for more money for those costs is not the solution, because in a free market, something is worth what you are willing to pay for it.

That includes a room in this hotel, an apartment or house for rent, or even something less tangible, like membership in Rotary.

And same for our seafood. It is not worth what we invest into it, the cost of harvesting, or production, or inventory costs, or financing costs. It is worth what the market wants to pay, or more precisely, is willing to pay.

Same thing for every stitch of clothes on your back, and every meal you’ve ever eaten.

That’s the economics and business reality of the world, and has been some time.

And let’s not have any of that foolishness that it doesn’t work. We are richer than 98% of the rest of the population of the earth. We are healthy, well-fed, satisfied beyond belief materially.

On the real indicators that matter: caloric intake, infant mortality, maternal deaths, life expectancy, access to potable water, literacy, you name it, democracy and free markets deliver.

All this to underscore that the fishery is a business, and just like much else of what we do to make a dollar, it should be structured so as to perform in that context; we can’t just ask the market to pay for our problems.

I am new to the fishery. I worked in, as the introduction noted, a completely different field, literally and geographically. This job is my first career employment in Newfoundland, which I started in 2004 when my wife and I moved home, like so many do, or want to.

I joke I am one of the few people who has come home to work in the fishery.

But work is a stretch. That’s not to say people in my business, in processing or harvesting, don’t work hard when they work.

But we have million dollar boats, and two million dollar boats, and multi-million dollar fish plants that all work for months, if not mere weeks.

That’s underutilization, or to look at it another way, overcapitalization, monies unavailable for investment in retirement funds, tourism, small business, education or training. It’s the opportunity cost of our structure.

If any airplane flew a mere 10 trips a year, and spent the rest of the time on the ground, we’d recognize we had a problem.

If Sobey’s was open just a few months a year, we’d laugh at their chances of making a go of it.

If hotel said our rooms are only for rent April 15 through end of Sept, and we have people sitting on the lawn waiting to get in in July, who might gladly take a room in October, but we close then, all our staff are on income support, we hope they’re around again in the summer when we open, cuz we stay closed for the winter, even though people are coming, we’d rather squeeze all our business into a few months…

What would we call it? …well, we’d call it the fishery.

Because we’ve done just that. And for too long it has been good enough. FAO and the World Bank have just released a report a few weeks ago called The Sunken Billions, addressing this same problem the world over. Some $50 billion, at a conservative estimate, representing the value of the fishery gone missing from the wrong structures and overcapacity.

Our problem is we have chosen to dissipate the wealth, with our structural inefficiencies, among as many participants as possible, to ensure we keep as many people working, spread it around, save this and that town, save this and that fish plant.

Well ask yourself: is it working?

Are our young people staying around because things are so good?

Towns repopulating because the fishery is such an opportunity?

The world beating a path to our products, or are we out selling a commodity?

We not asked too much of the fishery, for too long, and now we reap what we have sown: a social programme that has said $8000 or $10000 each is enough – and now our young people are gone, and soon, an entirely new demographic will follow: people of my parents generation, who want to see the grandchildren grow up… but have to go to Alberta and other places to do it.

My contention is the fishery of today is the fruit of 30 years of social engineering, of policy intent, with unfortunate consequences. And we lost one fishery that way already.

Alberta’s boom ‘today’ is one factor in people leaving the fishery, but so is 30 years of “this” is what the fishery will be, and not “this.”

We’re not living on the entrepreneurial merits of the fishery. We’re living off the natural abundance and wealth of our location, groundfish in its day, pelagics, and shellfish today.

Despite ourselves, almost, we have made something of it.

We open the fishery, squeeze in all the product like we’re drinking through a fire hose, and pray to the heavens the market can choke it down just as fast so we don’t have to finance it over extended periods and the currency doesn’t move against us while we are waiting.

The economist Michael Gardner addressed a recent gathering of industry at the coldwater shrimp conference in St. John’s, which brought together industry players from across Canada, the US, Europe and elsewhere, to address challenges in our shrimp industry.

And he said something very stark, very true. “We are structured to underperform.”

We have a billion dollar fishery, in terms of the production value of our fishery again last year. It was never more than half that in the past, but has hit the number or surpassed it several times in recent years.

We have a wealthy industry, or rather, an industry with potential for great wealth.

But as Gardner said, we are “structured to underperform.”

We have too much processing capacity.

We have too much harvesting capacity.

All designed and encouraged by different governments and organizations and vested interests to ensure the money was spread around.

This is not a business model that can endure. We can struggle. We’ll make a go of it. If anyone can, it’s a Newfoundlander …

The earlier example of airplane safety and child restraints illustrates the stark reality of every public policy choice we face. Every public policy is a trade off. There are consequences to every action.

And the intended consequences don’t count for much.

Someone once said "Some people embrace change, some choose to fight it. The ones who embrace and adapt, win." – Unknown

Or perhaps Henry Ford captured it bet when he said if you had asked the people what they wanted, they would have said a faster horse.

We in Newfoundland and Labrador must change our approach to the fishery, fundamentally, philosophically, from 30,000 feet.

Otherwise, we risk another reality, captured by the following words:

"If you dislike change, you're going to dislike irrelevance even more." Eric Shinseki

We need change, and it needs to start with the full acknowledgement that the fishery is a business, for the sake of harvesters in it, who are losing crew now to better opportunities in Alberta and elsewhere, plant workers for whom 10 or 15 weeks work is not enough.

We have built the industry on a deck of cards. We have marginalized incomes, tried to save fish plant after fish plant, increased harvesting capacity, and what do we have at the end of the day? Mediocrity as an industry. And every intervention leads to the Hayekian conundrum: once a government does intervene, the logic of intervention forces them to keep at it, to fix the last intervention. Can any government resist that (and after what damage is done?) so that instead we might make the industry a more sustainable economic engine and contributor to Newfoundland & Labrador?

Industry – harvesters and processors – both know that we must adapt to face the new realities of a more competitive China, higher fuel prices and the stronger dollar – and the latter two have turned around of late, but only as symptoms of a bigger problem we have not yet fully appreciated.

Instead, we have gone about things as of old, and expected a different result. That's, as the saying goes, the definition of insanity.

That challenge includes requiring a fresh look at the price setting mechanisms in the industry, unique in the world (Joey Smallwood's last piece of legislation in 1972). We have a collective bargaining structure for what is essentially a business to business relationship.

Are there bright spots out there?

Yes, some new policy to address new plant licences. Light on the harvesting side, with rationalization, combining.

And the resource remains strong, more good news.

And the industry is tackling new challenges like eco-labelling with the Marine Stewardship Council certification for our northern shrimp, showing our coldwater shrimp comes from a sustainable, well-managed fishery. We are Canada’s first fishery - and the world’s largest shrimp fishery - so certified, and consumers have the right to that assurance. It will be a proud legacy of my time in the industry.

But the same can't be said for the economic viability of the industry itself, in either harvesting or processing. It may be that the challenges of industry renewal are truly intractable political problems. Fair enough, but if it's confession time, no one is on their knees - except in terms of the economics.

Remember that baby in the airplane crash. You can save that one, but in exchange for how many more, and at what cost? And is that the goal of public policy? To save one part of the business, and sacrifice so many others parts.

I have to think, we can do better. I hope you do too.

Thank you for listening.

-srbp-

Happy Hallowe'en!

CHC wins US DOD contract in Afghanistan?

It looks like Canadian Helicopters Limited (TSX: CHL.UN) will provide helicopter support to American forces in Afghanistan, according to David Pugliese.

The company is advertising for commercial helicopter pilots able to fly the company's Bell 212 on general support missions, that is, tasks that don't involve combat flying.  Qualifications are:

Bell 212 endorsement & experience; Current mountain experience; Current slinging & vertical reference experience; Instrument experience considered an asset; Eligible for international travel; Candidates must be bondable; Screening for a ‘secret’ level security pass required; Good communication skills and a positive attitude required; Ability to work within a group environment.

-srbp-

A conservative tell

Every time a conservative attacks a political opponent, you know you've got the right person for the job.

When they call him or her "negative" or "unhelpful" you know they fear that person.

It's true in Canada.

It's true in the United States.

-srbp-

30 October 2008

Is Iceland too small to be a country?

Good question.

But no matter how you answer it, the Icelandic crisis is producing some interesting results:  Sterling Airlines is filing for bankruptcy.  It's part of of Northern Travel Group which also includes Astraeus Airlines.

Astraeus, the company that became embroiled in the St.John's-Gatwick fiasco a couple of years ago, is now out of the charter flight service and instead leases its aircraft to other companies.

-srbp-

Change is gonna come

The Obama campaign has transformed American politics already and there's still almost a week to go until it's over.

One of the many changes has been in campaign advertising. 

Take this spot, for example, just one of almost 1800 professional videos on the official Obama campaign youtube space.

Then compare it to anything produced locally or nationally during the recent federal election campaign.  You won't find many this simple or this effective.

Even at the local level high quality advertising is attainable.  It requires only two things.

First, there has to be a willingness within the campaign to step away from the conventional.

These sorts of spots are not expensive to produce and air time can also be purchased strategically.

Second, there has to be a willingness to take professional advice.

In an upcoming post, we'll take a look at some of the best political advertising done locally. That's one you'll want to check out.

-srbp-

The promise of a shift in political perceptions

Cabinet shuffles are often unremarkable events that make news simply because they occur.

Today's federal shuffle would be one of those occasions.  Yes, the people in the jobs deserve some recognition, but beyond noting that Gary Lunn received a royal demotion or that Bev Oda is still in cabinet in the same job - Heavens knows why - there isn't much in the news to deserve much thought.

From a Newfoundland and Labrador perspective, it may well be that the best news in many years to come from a federal cabinet is that there isn't a regional minister for this province who actually comes from this province.

The local cult of personality over the past five years has tended to personalize everything, including the importance of having a single individual to "fight for Newfoundland and Labrador."  That perspective led to first John Efford and Loyola Hearn being targeted for attack by a particular political faction largely because they offered a potential challenge to the existing self-described embodiment as an alternate locus of political power. [continued below]



In all important aspects of national politics, guile, compromise and a subtle kind of blackmail decided their course and determined their alliances. They appeared to discount all political or social ideologies, save nationalism. For the mass of the people the words Tory and Grit, Conservative and Liberal, referred neither to political ideologies nor to administrative techniques. They were regarded only as meaningless labels, affixed to alternatives which permitted the auctioneering of one's support; they had no more meaning than bleu or rouge, which eventually replaced them in popular speech. [They] on the whole never voted for political or economic ideologies, but only for the man or group which stood for their ethnic rights...


In such a mental climate, sound democratic politics could hardly be expected to prevail, even in strictly provincial or local affairs where racial issues were not involved....

That political frame resurrected an old collective perception of Ottawa solely as a source of dole that came from the Smallwood years.  Our expectation that political success is defined solely on a politicians ability to bring home pork for the federal larder comes from the way Newfoundlanders and Labradorians received their orientation to federal politics after 1949. The Smallwood legacy in that regard is not merely lingering, it has become once more the official view.

Now to be fair, there is a tradition of some rather powerful figures from this province, including the likes of Don Jamieson and John Crosbie.  But to be really fair, their power came from their ability to discharge their responsibilities to the country as a whole as well as their inherent political and managerial skills.

People who head off to Ottawa as provincialist representatives for their own corner of the universe, and who ceaselessly work only for that patch tend to wind up - to a greater or lesser degree - like individual Blocheads:  pretty much incapable of influencing things to any significant degree.

Newfoundlanders and Labradorians can look to their federal representatives to represent their interests in dealing with the Government of Canada and in reflecting their views on national issues debated in the national parliament.

As for provincial government issues - revealed in the begging letters to Ottawa during the last election - the job now falls to the individual provincial ministers to work with their federal counterparts as needed.  The standard for judging their performance just shot up dramatically.  They don't have that convenient scapegoat anymore and high-pitched bitching will no longer be a convincing substitute for making the case and getting the job done.

On the municipal level, the effect of the last federal election might also be sorely felt.  The folly of electing inexperienced municipal representatives, particularly ones with a tendency to play petty political games or work their partisan connections, may show itself to be useless.

The end result at the provincial and municipal level may be that the job specs get boosted up a fair bit beyond where they've been for the past number of years.

At the same time, the potential exists for a fundamental shift in how Newfoundlanders and Labradorians - individually and collectively - look at federal politics.

Maybe, just maybe, some 60 years after Confederation, Newfoundlanders and Labradorians will shuck off the frame used by generations of provincialist politicians and finally participate fully in the nation's political system as they should.

We must be masters of our own house, but our house is all of Canada.

-srbp-

29 October 2008

Jet Ski or Scuba Dive?

There is a radical difference in media coverage of the premier's tesitmony at the cameron Inquiry.

For the most part, the local media were caught up in the presentation, even to the point of Randy Simms gushing - there is no other word for it - over what Simms said was an apology done without benefit of highly paid consultants to craft words. 

Simms seems to base his view entirely on the fact Williams did not read from a sheet of paper.  For a veteran newsman, Simms displays an ability to come to a conclusion based on incredibly slim facts.  Neil Armstrong didn't read from a sheet of paper either, but his first words on the moon were as rehearsed as could be.

The locals may have brushed beyond the nose-pullers in the testimony like the Premier's claim that he doesn't pay attention to what is said on radio talk shows.  The Telegram added a piece in the Wednesday edition on the Premier's comments on the media but didn't poke a hole in the silliness of some of the claims. 

Instead, they snickered over the poke at the Globe and Mail and ignored the Premier's other Palinesque claim that he often used The Independent for his "own research".  Recall that he has said a number of times that he does not have time to read books.  He just reads lots of - unspecified - other things.

Check the transcript indicentally and see the number of times a guy supposedly too uber-busy to even make notes on things so important he might want to follow up about later on can conduct his "own research" into issues.

The local coverage stuck pretty much to the gainsburgers:

CBC:
Premier Danny Williams apologized Tuesday for any grief and anguish that Newfoundland and Labrador breast cancer patients have suffered because of flawed laboratory tests. 
"We take this personally," Williams told the Cameron inquiry Tuesday. "We certainly take responsibility, full responsibility, for any actions ... that might have contributed to this problem."
Voice of the Cabinet Minister:
The Executive Director of the Canadian Cancer Society says he believes most people will accept Premier Danny Williams' apology, made at the Cameron Inquiry yesterday. Williams apologized on behalf of government to all who were impacted by the faulty breast cancer hormone receptor testing results. The Cancer Society's Peter Dawe says the words of remorse from the Premier seemed sincere.
The Telegram:  
“ I think it’s right I do so,” began Williams, launching into a seven-minute statement.


“I want to apologize to the patients and to their loved ones and their families for what has happened here. I apologize as the current premier and I apologize on behalf of previous governments and premiers … that if we’ve hurt these people, in some way they’ve suffered, that I can certainly assure them it was not deliberate.”

Williams said there was no intention to harm anybody “under any circumstances.”
A little distance from the subject matter  - however - gives an entirely different perspective, one that is sure to cause some controversy. 

The Globe editorial points to some issues that should serve as the basis for deeper inquiry or cause greater concern than they evidently have within the first 24 hours of post-testimony coverage. There are other aspects of the testimony which should cause news editors to send reporters digging for more details.

The bigger story lies in those details.

It's amazing what you can see when you look.

Or to borrow another metaphor, it's amazing what you find when you scuba dive, as opposed to jet ski.

Let's see if anyone bothers to don the tanks.

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28 October 2008

The pain for Iceland-o-philes

For some, Iceland remains a model to emulate.

For others, not so much.

18% interest rates are a thing of the past for the rest of us.

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DBRS releases detailed NL rating report

Dominion Bond Rating Service released its detailed report on Tuesday to back the changed rating for the Government of Newfoundland and Labrador.

On October 22, DBRS upgraded the province's long-term debt rating to "A from A(low)" but adjusted the trending assessment from "Positive" to "Stable".  The short-term debt rating remained at "R-1(low)" with "Stable" trending.

The detailed report cites strengths, such as the reduced debt burden, growth of the offshore and a competitive tax position.

At the same time, DBRS cites several challenges. 

Consistent with comments by the province's auditor general, DBRS notes the heavy reliance of the provincial budget on oil revenues which, DBRS says "introduces volatility to the fiscal results".

DBRS also noted unfunded pension liabilities and potential dependence on federal government transfers as issues of concern:

(3) Unfunded pension liabilities remain sizeable, projected at just over $2 billion in 2007-08. The Province has made considerable efforts to reduce these liabilities, largely as a result of the 2005 Atlantic Accord and other special contributions to help improve the funding position of both the teachers’ and public servants’ pension plans. However, declining interest rates and the recent deterioration in equity markets are likely to further add to unfunded liabilities.

(4) Through growing resource revenues, the Province has seen its reliance on federal transfers fall from greater than 40% in the 1990s to roughly 23% in 2007-08 but is nonetheless susceptible to significant changes in federal transfer programs. Any drop in resource revenues could result in a reversal of this trend and return to greater dependence on federal wealth redistribution programs.

DRBS is forecasting small surpluses through to 2010-2011 when it anticipates expenditures will outpace revenue growth. The surplus for 2008, given in the earlier release as $291 million, is actually exactly the surplus forecast by the finance minister.  DBRS appears to have included an anticipated under-expenditure on capital account which makes up the difference.

However, it is important to note the difference in the accounting method used for the DBRS report and the finance minister's statement about a surplus compared to the figures presented in The Estimates.  The premier alluded to this in an interview last week but didn't explain it.

DBRS' revenue projections report money in the year in which it was earned.  Hence, it includes revenue from the 2005 offshore deal.  However, that money was already received in 2005 and has been spent.  It can't be received and spent twice.

The provincial budget documents (particularly The Estimates) account for this by deducting that amount in its calculation of borrowing requirements. The unaudited report on the Consolidated Revenue Fund (issued in August for Fiscal Year 2007) makes a similar adjustment as it reconciles a simple statement of revenues and expenditures with the actual cash flows.  Thus, an apparent increase in revenues of $1.4 billion becomes a borrowing requirement of $110 million once all the financial transactions have been accounted for.

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27 October 2008

Oil down again..and the future won't be the same

Front month light, sweet crude (WTI) settled at US$63.22 on the New York Mercantile Exchange Monday, down $1.45 from Friday's close.

Brent light sweet settled at US$60.30  a barrel down almost $27 from the provincial budget's assumed average price. Oil companies operating offshore Newfoundland and Labrador use Brent as the reference price for crude from the Hibernia, Terra Nova and White Rose fields offshore Newfoundland and Labrador.

While there is some uncertainty as to what effect falling crude prices will have on the current budget, a general recession in major markets and a lower price of oil could serious reduce provincial government revenues in 2009.

At an average price of US$60 a barrel, annual production of 120 million barrels and a dollar premium of 30%, the province's oil royalties would be something on the order of $1.5 billion.  At 100 million barrels - slightly below the current year forecast of 111 million - the royalty take would be slightly more than $1.3 billion.

That is between $200 million and $400 million below the current year royalty projections in the budget.

To put that in perspective, bear in mind that if all the budget projections came true for the current fiscal year, the provincial government would be short $414 million on current and capital account and $794 million short overall.

Given the high oil prices at the front end of the fiscal year and the healthy consumer spending, the budget may come up balanced at the end of the year.  It almost certainly won't be in a surplus as it hasn't been in surplus for the past two fiscal years by any measure most people would understand.  If you have to borrow $110 million at the end of the year to pay off the bills and settle up accounts, then there was never really a surplus of $1.0 billion of $1.3 billion as claimed.  It may have existed in some form of accounting but at the end, the budget came up cash short.

As an aside, the Premier tossed aside an opposition claim that there was confusion coming from provincial government statements on the economic crunch.  He said something to the effect that the opposition spokesman didn't know the difference between cash and accrual accounting.

That's really neither here nor there.  In his news release last week, Kelvin Parsons noted that Dominion Bond Rating Service had projected a surplus of $291 million while the provincial finance minister had forecast $544 million when he brought down the budget last year.  Both those numbers are expressed on the same basis, as is plain from the context in the DBRS news release.

In other words, DBRS is projecting a smaller surplus than the one the government had projected. That much is absolutely correct:  $544 million versus $291 million

By the same token, the comparisons at Bond Papers - which some may  be finding a bit tedious at this point - have been done on a comparison of apples with apples.

No matter how one looks at it, the odds are high that the provincial budget for Fiscal Year 2009 (starting 01 April 2009), will have to either reduce public spending or undertake some borrowing.  If the current budget were repeated exactly as is  - exactly the same spending levels - and allowing only for the reduced oil revenues, the provincial government would have to borrow almost as much money as it would take in in oil revenues in order to balance the books.

Think about that for a second.

For the past two years, the provincial government has been able to underestimate oil revenues knowing that - in all likelihood - actual revenues would greatly exceed what they forecast.  At the end of the year, they have claimed huge surpluses.  In fact, the spending projections took into account the anticipated real price for oil, as opposed to the conveniently low-balled assumption. The auditor general made reference in his report earlier this year to the tendency in recent years to inflate spending based on highly volatile oil prices.

Starting this year, however, that pattern of low-balling revenues has essentially failed.  The global downturn, now estimated to last into 2010, means that for at least one and possibly the next two fiscal years after this current one, the provincial government will be dealing with dramatically reduced revenues.  At the very least, they can't count on the conjuring trick of windfalls to get them out of the heavy level of planned spending without resorting to borrowing.

And if you consider it, borrowing even a half a billion dollars a year is not a huge amount on a budget of $6.0 billion or more.

It is a huge amount if one considers doing that for a couple of years will add a billion dollars or so to the provincial direct debt.

It is a huge amount when one considers that at the same time, the provincial government is considering launching a development project on the Lower Churchill that could add as much as $6.0 to $9.0 billion on a public debt (accumulated borrowing) which is already hovering at about $8.5 billion.

Discussing the state of the current provincial budget balance may not be as useful and exercise as forecasting for 2009. The current administration may have to actually make difficult choices, for the first time in a very long time.

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26 October 2008

Christmas book list: another PM's memoir

martinNot every prime minister writes a book worth reading. 

Pierre Trudeau's memoir was nothing if not dull as dishwater.

Not even every politician's memoirs are worth the cost of first printing.

Who was smart and waited to get Tobin's thingy in the remainder bin?

From the reviews, Paul Martin's book won't fall into the dull category.

The blurb:

Paul Martin was the Prime Minister we never really knew — in this memoir he emerges as a fascinating flesh and blood man, still working hard to make a better world.

“The next thing you know, I was in a jail cell.” (Chapter 2)

“From the moment I flipped his truck on the road home to Morinville. . .” (Chapter 3)

“When I came back into Aquin’s headquarters I had a broken nose.” (Chapter 4)

These are not lines that you expect in a prime ministerial memoir. But Paul Martin — who led the country from 2003 to 2006 — is full of surprises, and his book will reveal a very different man from the prime minister who had such a rough ride in the wake of the sponsorship scandal.

Although he grew up in Windsor and Ottawa as the son of the legendary Cabinet Minister Paul Martin, politics was not in his blood. As a kid he loved sports, and had summer jobs as a deckhand or a roustabout. As a young man he plunged into family life, and into the business world. After his years as a “corporate firefighter” for Power Corporation came the excitement of acquiring Canada Steamship Lines in Canada’s largest ever leveraged buy-out, “the most audacious gamble of my life.”

In 1988, however, he became a Liberal M.P., ran for the leadership in 1990 and in 1993 became Jean Chrétien’s minister of finance, with the country in a deep hole. The story of his years as perhaps our best finance minister ever leads to his account of the revolt against Chrétien, and his time in office.

Great events and world figures stud this book, which is firm but polite as it sets the record straight, and is full of wry humour and self-deprecating stories. Far from ending with his defeat in 2006, the book deals with his continuing passions, such as Canada’s aboriginals and the problems of Africa.

This is an idealistic, interesting book that reveals the Paul Martin we never knew. It’s a pleasure to meet him.

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You know it's bad when...

the Republican presidential and vice-presidential candidates are taking potshots at each other, even if it is through their staffs.

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