Last Friday, CBC’s David Cochrane asked Ryan Cleary about information Cochrane had – apparently from NDP sources - that Cleary had tried to run in a district where the New Democrats already had a candidate.
They asked him specifically about Virginia Park-Pleasantville, where the NDP had already announced lawyer Bob Buckingham would be the star candidate for the party.
Cleary replied: “Absolutely not.”
That wasn’t true, as CBC’s Terry Roberts confirmed on Wednesday.
The news release on the government’s generic offshore royalty wasn’t exactly a model of clarity and accuracy.
The headline and first sentence referred to the announcement of a “framework.”
The first quote claimed that “establishing the enhanced generic offshore oil royalty regime” was an achievement for the current administration.
The problem is that none of it is true.
The provincial justice ministry had to increase spending to put a new judge in the Provincial Court in Clarenville even though the caseload in the court didn’t justify the decision, government documents reveal.
Director of Public Prosecutions Donovan Molloy e-mailed then-deputy justice minister Paul Noble on September 6, 2014 about a news story in the Telegram. Finance minister Ross Wiseman told the Telegram that plans were in the works to appoint a judge in Clarenville.
Noble replied that he “literally and figuratively” had no idea what Wiseman was talking about.
But in another e-mail sent on August 28, Noble had asked assistant deputy minister Heather Jacobs and departmental controller Deborah Dunphy to “trace the evolution” of the issue. Specifically, Noble said he was trying “to unravel the details” about how many judge positions the department had and how much funding went with them.
“It boils down to why we cannot appoint a judge in Clarenville, which in turn is connected to” an issue the departmental censors blacked out.
Ryan Cleary didn’t become the punchline to any New Yorker cartoon at 3:00 PM last Friday afternoon.
Peg Norman and other local New Democrats may want to believe he did. But he didn't.’t
Norman laced into Cleary on Facebook Friday afternoon, calling Cleary’s decision to join the Tories “an indictment of Ryan's dishonesty and disloyalty.” and “the actions of a person who has absolutely no understanding of political ideology and is solely motivated by a narcissistic attempt to be on top."
All true, no doubt, but it was just as true when – as Norman acknowledges – she decided not to contest the NDP nomination in 2008 in favour of the NDP’s then-new star candidate. It isn’t Ryan Cleary’s fault that Peg and a bunch of others decided to welcome him with open arms as their asshole and are now feeling a bit like Richard Nixon in another joke.*.After all, Cleary is – as he truthfully said standing next to Paul Davis – exactly the same guy he was as a New Democrat.
Ryan Cleary’s score on the Determination of Arseholic Narcissism scale is entirely irrelevant to what is going on right now in provincial politics. To appreciate the political developments last week, look beyond the superficial.
Elections Newfoundland and Labrador released the 2014 party financial reports recently. That let’s us take a look at trends over the past five years.
The Conservatives have consistently been able to raise more money than both of their competitors.
That changed in 2013.
In 2014, the year of the Great Tory Leadership Disaster Part One and Part Two, cash deserted the Conservatives. They aren’t destitute, but their annual cash haul dropped by half in 2014 what it had been in 2013. And if you look at 2013, you can see it as lower than it had been for the previous three years..
Money is the fuel all political parties need. When the Tories talk bravely about a 21 seat strategy they know they are blowing smoke up a reporter’s ass when they know they have the sort of annual cash haul the Liberals had in 2011.
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In preparation for the coming general election battle, the provincial Conservatives are digging in their headquarters within sight of the head waters of Shit Creek.
They are frustrated, as David Cochrane reports. They cannot lay a glove on Dwight Ball and the Liberals. As a result, “[w]e are going to be very aggressive,” a big Tory told Cochrane.
Like the Conservatives have been push-overs and pansies until now. Since 2001, the provincial Conservatives have been the most harshly partisan bunch of politicians Newfoundland and Labrador has seen since Confederation. Go back to the Bill 29 racket or the Muskrat Falls fight.
Heck, go back to the way they treated Tom Osborne. Ostracised within caucus and then when he left them, brutally abused by Steve Kent, Joan Burke, Kathy Dunderdale and the rest of the Conservative goon squad.
“A positive, optimistic, hopeful vision of public life isn’t a naive dream,” Justin Trudeau told Canadians after he won a truly historic victory in the October 19th federal general election. That victory, said Trudeau, “is what positive politic can do.”
“We beat fear with hope, we beat cynicism with hard work. We beat negative, divisive politics with a positive vision that brings Canadians together.”
Premier Paul Davis spoke to the St. John’s Board of Trade on Tuesday. Earlier in the day he released another letter he’d written to Trudeau listing off Davis’ demands, things he wanted Trudeau to give the province as soon as possible.
The provincial government had problems dealing with the federal government, wrote Davis, as if he and his colleagues had absolutely nothing to do with creating those problems.
Davis complained about not having a federal cabinet minister from the province, as if Davis and his colleagues had absolutely nothing to do with creating that situation either.
“But with your election, we now have change,” wrote Davis.
And just to prove how Davis himself had nothing to do with change, he then proceeded to rattle off a list of demands.
Paul Davis and his cabinet were all smiles and chuckles last week at the election of a new administration in Ottawa.
Optimistic for the future.
Looking forward to a new relationship and all that.
Then came the issue if the tariff on ships of a certain size built outside Canada. The Conservatives are holding it out as a test of Justin Trudeau and his fellow Liberals. Forgiving the tariff would be a sign that things had changed in Ottawa.
The province’s largest public sector union met last week in St. John’s for its annual convention. They started out their first day with a speech from recently-elected boss Jerry Earle. The militant guy promised the union would militantly oppose any plan to turn public sector services over to the private sector.
The province’s NDP leader – Earle McCurdy - spoke to delegates on Thursday. McCurdy said for umpteen thousandth time this year, that he and his friends in the union party would also steadfastly resist any effort to privatize public services.
Friday was the day the union let the other two provincial party leaders say a few words. What happened next was amazing..
SRBP told you on Tuesday morning that the federal election did not bode well for the New Democrats and Conservatives in the province.
The Liberals are just better organized than the other parties. They can identify their voters, keep in touch with them, and get them to the polls far better than the New Democrats or the Conservatives. That’s how you win elections. And when you are that much better at it than all the others, the odds go up exponentially that you will get more and more seats than people might expect.
There’s way more to it than just the idea that the Liberals have a computer program that does today what we used to do on index cards. Campaigns converted to Excel and other spreadsheet programs back when personal computers first appeared.
Organization is also about how the parties collect information and what they do with it. The Liberals are light years ahead of the competition, as Monday’s results showed.
From Newfoundland Power’s rate application to the Public Utilities Board.
Uncertainty:
The interconnection to the North American grid is a transformative event for the electrical system that currently serves the island of Newfoundland. It also creates significant uncertainties for Newfoundland Power and the customers it serves.
How the costs of the Muskrat Falls development and the transmission systems necessary to create the interconnection will be recovered from Newfoundland Power’s customers is part of that uncertainty. The reliability of wholesale supply for the Company and, indirectly, Newfoundland Power’s customers after interconnection, is another part of that uncertainty. These matters will likely be considered by the Board over the next 2 to 4 years. It is already clear, however, that the interconnection as currently proposed will have significant potential consequences for the future cost and reliability of electrical service for Newfoundland Power’s customers. (pp. 1-6 to 1-7)
Nick Whalen killed a giant.
That’s the story of the 2015 federal election in Newfoundland and Labrador, bar none.
People told Whalen he was crazy to run against the popular NDP incumbent. No one gave him a chance. But Whalen wound up defeating the NDP heavyweight.
This is Craig Westcott’s editorial from The Pearl newspaper, reproduced with permission..
This is a tough column to write. Taking an editorial position in favour of one candidate over another when both have worked so hard in this election isn’t as easy as some partisans on either side might think.
My opinion is tempered by the experience of having run myself, back in 2008, when I didn’t stand a snot of a chance as the Conservative candidate in the federal election against the NDP’s Jack Harris, who had the full weight and force of Danny Williams’ popularity and provincial PC machine behind him.
As I said at the time, I ran not so much for Stephen Harper’s Conservatives as against Danny Williams’ ABC campaign and his bid to isolate Newfoundland even farther from the political mainstream of this country.
Two polls taken during the recent campaign showed Scott Andrews was losing in his old seat in Avalon.
| Decided and leanings | Mainstreet | MQO/NTV (October) |
| Liberal | 43 (37) | 31 |
| NDP | 19 (16) | 10 |
| Conservative | 14 (13) | 9 |
| Andrews | 19 (13) | 22 |
Number in brackets is decided only. UND = 17
The “undecided “in the Mainstreet poll was 17%. When Mainstreet probed them to find which way they were leaning, the numbers you got above came out the other end. The decideds only, without the leaning figures) is in brackets. NTV didn’t release the raw data.
The numbers in those polls shouldn’t be a surprise to anyone. The Liberals turfed Andrews from the caucus over allegations of sexual impropriety. Andrews has talked around the issue but still hasn’t told anyone what happened.
As it appears, people aren’t interested in the issue. They aren’t interested because they have already made up their mind about Andrews. He is dead meat just as he has been dead since the Liberals turfed him from caucus. The campaign didn't change anything for him.
The rest of the field never mattered. You can see in these polls the fact the NDP has absolutely zero impact outside metro St. John’s. The Conservatives are pulling nine points in the most recent poll.
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If the numbers from the Liberal campaign in St. John’s East are right, then New Democratic Party incumbent Jack Harris is in serious trouble.
Asked if which candidate they would vote for, the 1,000 respondents to the IVR survey conducted over 48 hours late last week picked Harris by one point over his Liberal rival Nick Whalen.
This would be remarkable on a number of levels, not the least of which is that Whalen is a relative unknown in politics. Harris, by contrast, first got elected in 1987. Whalen was 15 at the time.
Harris is a likeable fellow and his appeal cuts across party lines. That broad appeal is why he has won the two federal elections he’s been in by sizeable margins: 74% of votes cast in 2008 and 71% in 2011. That second huge victory shows that the internal feud within the Conservatives had nothing to do with his victory in 2008.
As the federal election winds down to the last day, the result is likely going to be nothing any of the pundits expected.
Okay, the election isn;t winding down for the parties. For them, it is winding up tighter than tighter, but for everyone else we are coming down to the end of things.
Anyway, even for the folks who will be working this weekend without much sleep, things now do not look anything like they looked at the start. more than two months ago.
Muskrat Falls will ensure consumers in Newfoundland and Labrador pay much higher electricity rates than they otherwise needed to pay.
The latest Nalcor estimate is that consumers in the province will see a 53% jump in rates between now and 2020, with rates hitting 19.8 as the project enters commercial production.
The information came in the reply by Nalcor officials to a question by Tom Baird. Here’s a screen cap of the portion he tweeted on Tuesday:
Double whammy there for Nalcor:
Bad enough. the 2020 date confirms recent projections from two different independent sources - via Uncle Gnarley - that Nalcor’s megaproject in Labrador is now two years behind schedule. There’s a very good likelihood the real date will be later..
Far worse, you now know you will be getting a massive - and entirely unnecessary - jump in electricity rates due to Muskrat Falls. The cost over-runs are just adding to the amount of the increased cost.
Nalcor’s official figures put the jump at 53% above your current charge For folks using 1500 kilowatt hours a month of electricity, you’d be looking at about another $100 a month.
Compare that to the “seven dollars” more figure Ed Martin was tossing around a couple of weeks ago when word of the last cost over-run and project delay hit the news. VOCM even used it in a headline on September 30:
Nalcor Expects Average Power Bill to Go Up About $7
Wrong!
The truth was that the seven dollar hike Martin was talking about was on top of several other Nalcor increased estimates that still didn’t account for the gap between where we are currently and where Nalcor’s estimates started. More on that below. Key thing here is that official Nalcor figures now put the rate increase at 53%.
Only problem is we can’t be sure Nalcor has its own figures right. Here’s why.
/What a difference 36 years makes.
There’s New Democrat strategist Robin Sears in a National Post piece complaining about the way the Liberal are running their guy named Trudeau in lots of situations that give him good visuals.
“He isn’t running to be a boxer or a canoeist, he’s running to be Prime Minister, which is a different set of credentials,” said Robin Sears, who spent several campaigns in the war room for former NDP leader Ed Broadbent.
Now jump back to 1979, courtesy of the National Film Board’s documentary about the federal election in which another guy named Trudeau figured prominently.
In 2004, Danny Williams fought for three months against a federal government decision that had been settled – at least for the federal government – earlier in the year as part of the usual budget cycle.
Williams got the money the federal government had allocated but won the domestic war for public opinion.
In 2007, Williams and his provincial Conservatives launched a second political holy war against the federal government’s budget decisions. Williams waged a much longer war, lost it, but was widely credited at home with a victory.
There were other similarities
