Scottish comedian Frankie Boyle
The real political division in society is between authoritarians and libertarians.
Any of the small, local printing companies who usually make a fair bit of cash from political campaigns can keep their printing presses chilled during the upcoming NDP leadership campaign.
Any candidates who make it past the other restrictions must print any campaign materials like flyers and householders in unionized printing plants. The campaign rules released on Wednesday are plain:
“Candidates shall not use non-unionized companies for the production of any campaign material., where such services are available.”
That’s great for the largest printer in the province but it shuts out pretty every other shop.
Dictatorship of the CEO
The party executive will appoint a chief electoral officer to oversee the leadership contest. Under section 13, the CEO has the unrestricted right to expel a candidate based on nothing more than a written complaint that a written complaint from a candidate or party member who feels “feels aggrieved by the words or actions of another candidate.”
The CEO can “deal with the complaint in whatever manner she feels is appropriate, including, in severe circumstances, the disqualification of a candidate from the leadership race.”
There is no right of appeal for any decision by the CEO.
Membership
The campaign rules refer to a list of “active” members of the party. Each candidate will get a list once they’ve been approved.
There’s no definition of “active” member in the party constitution. That leaves the door open for a Cabana-style manoeuver in which party insiders invent conditions and rules to suit their own purposes.
There’s no word yet on the convention itself and how that will run.
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Gerry Rogers is smiling again now that Earle McCurdy has agreed to be the NDP Kevin Aylward.
If Earle had decided to stay retired, Gerry was the substitute leader the key inside factions of the party had tapped to fill-in until after the next election. Rogers would have had to take one for the team, just like her Liberal namesake did in 2007.
Now that McCurdy is in, the party executive will announce some leadership process that either completely avoids a convention (like the Conservatives in 2010) or puts up a sham competition (as in the NDP 2014 leadership review).
Drew Brown recently likened the next NDP leader to the Liberal’s last-minute substitute in 2011. Fair enough. Any possible change for the party will come in the future.
Whenever the provincial government gets into financial trouble, someone will suggest that one great way to save money would be to cut the number of members in the House of Assembly.
Some people make the suggestion because they think members of the House doing nothing anyway. Others suggest that cutting the House is a way of sharing the pain of cuts coming to government generally. And others justify proposed cuts to the House of Assembly because other places with a larger population have fewer politicians to represent them.
None of those are valid reasons to cut the House budget. Reform of the House of Assembly should be about representing the people of the province more effectively. It should be about reducing the control of monied interests, including unions, and increasing the influence of ordinary people.
Cutting the number of members as proposed by Dwight Ball, Lorraine Michael, and Paul Davis, is solely bout appearing to save money or share the pain of government cuts. In truth, such a move will only serve to concentrate power in our province into the hands of an ever smaller group of individuals, many of whom are unelected and unaccountable. It is as regressive and anti-democratic idea as one may imagine.
Maybe it was the headline on John Ivison’s opinion piece in the National Post that threw them off.
Spat over $400M N.L. fund could make federal government look bad to European trade partners
Provincial Conservatives, their patronage clients, and their paid staffers were all over Twitter all weekend tweeting touting the support in Ivison’s piece for their fight with the federal Conservatives over a federal cheque for $280 million.
Pay up feds, says Ivison, and end this dispute because it looks bad.
The problem for the Conservatives is that if you read the whole Ivison column, this is not a great endorse of the provincial Conservatives’ desperate political ploy. It offers sensible advice in that both sides need to get this dispute settled now, but Ivison gets there based on all sorts of half-baked ideas. That much of it shows the extent to which observers both at home and outside the province don’t really understand what’s going on here.
And if you follow the piece through to the end, you see just exactly how bad a position Paul Davis and his crowd really are.
The C.D. Howe Institute released a policy brief on Thursday that argues that demographic changes will hit the people of Newfoundland and Labrador very hard in the years ahead.
This is not a new issue, as the report notes right at the beginning. In fact, the crowd at the C.D. How Institute make it pretty clear everyone knew the problem was coming. The only question was whether the impact would be gradual over time or we’d hit it like a wall.
Pay attention to this little report. If you have been asleep for the past 10 years take the few minutes to skim the words, charts, and graphs.
Say what you want about Lorraine Michael, but you have to admit that she knows what she wants to do.
Lorraine has spent her adult life as an advocate. That’s another word for someone who talks about things. She’s done it quite a bit and, as she made clear Tuesday, Lorraine intends to keep talking about stuff. Lorraine doesn’t want political power. She just wants to advocate stuff.
When other people do something Lorraine has been talking about, then she counts that as on of her accomplishments.
And if someone threatens Lorraine’s position as an advocate, she has been remarkably adept at screwing them up. She did it again on Tuesday.
Her voice tinged with emotion, Lorraine Michael announced to a gaggle of reporters and her supporters at Confederation Building on Tuesday that she would step down as party leader as soon as the party could find a replacement.
Lorraine would stay on in politics, though, and promised to run in the next provincial election.
Interestingly enough, there have been rumours of growing discontent within the party with Michael’s leadership since last spring. And in December, rumblings started that some within the party wanted Lorraine to go. They were supposedly shopping around the idea of an interim leader. Other versions, as turned up by the Telegram’s James McLeod on Twitter had Michael thinking about quitting.
Whether or not any of that scuttlebutt was even remotely true, Lorraine Michael’s decision puts the NDP in a rough spot, as if being a political void wasn’t bad enough.
Konrad Yakabuski’ s column in the Monday Globe is an interesting one for people in Newfoundland and Labrador for a couple of reasons. ‘
First of all, Yakabuski pointed out the “broader credibility problem facing all of Canada’s provincially owned electric utilities.”
Second of all, for all those people in this province who are complaining that the Liberals won;t release any of their policies before the election, we have had lots of time to debate the energy policy of the current administration for a decade.
For all of that time, the people currently bitching about the lack of policy debate didn’t want to debate that energy policy despite the mounds of evidence that what the provincial government was doing with the former hydro corporation was headed for bad policy.
When the going gets tough, the tough go fishing.
In this case, a bunch of politicians in a tough spot with voters are fishing among a small bunch of politicians in Ottawa for support in their campaign to turn a deal achieved in 2013 into something else entirely.
This isn’t really news, by the way, but in the world of the provincial government these days, intergovernmental affairs minister Keith Hutchings sent out a news release on Friday to tell everyone what was reported before Christmas. That is, Keith and Premier Paul Davis are trying to get federal members of parliament and senators a from Newfoundland and Labrador to back the provincial government in its latest war with Ottawa.
Today marks the 10th anniversary of the first Sir Robert Bond Papers post.
In July 2004, I wrote and released a paper that tried to “examine offshore oil revenues and the Atlantic Accord in light of what the Accord actually provides.It was an attempt to evaluate the provincial government's proposal based on what had been made public to that point.”
Which is to be master? was supposed to be the first of a series of papers on different public policy issues. Each would have a different author. They would appear from time to time in order to foster “public discussion of issues affecting Newfoundland and Labrador.” The title of the series was going to be The Sir Robert Bond Papers.
For its last editorial of 2014, the Telegram decided to discuss the fate of the province’s New Democrats.
A quick summary: things were good for the Dippers. Now things are not so good. This isn’t just a local thing. It’s happening nationally. Lorraine Michael has said in year-end interviews she likely won’t be around for long after the next election.
Lorraine has been wonderful, the editorial says. It good that she’s going to leave. After all , why “would Michael want to obscure her legacy by presiding over such lean times?”
Talk about ending on a wrong note.
Hebron is the last of the four, big, offshore discoveries from the 1980s.
It’s due to come into production in 2017 based on a development agreement reached initially in 2007 with the provincial government and finalised in 2008. There’s a potential problem with current production schedule. The topsides fabrication is delayed in Korea but we won’t know until the middle of 2015 whether or not there will be further delays that would impact the planned date for first oil in 2017.
Hebron plays a big role in the imagination of the people currently running the province. Their reaction to the provincial government’s financial problems is based, in part, on the expectation that Hebron will bring huge amounts of new cash into provincial coffers.
But with oil prices down, people are starting to consider that those assumptions about an imminent return to insanely fat oil royalties might be a bit off base. With that in mind, let’s revisit the Hebron development agreement and see what turns up.
There is a lengthy list of political stories in contention to be the top political story of 2014.
Start the year with #darnknl, the failure of Newfoundland and Labrador’s Hydro generation to supply the capital city and surrounding communities with electricity last January.
It led to Kathy Dunderdale’s resignation as Conservative leader and Premier, which in turn led to the appointment of yet another interim Premier. That was followed by the Conservative leadership, the brief and ultimately ruined political career of Frank Coleman, and finally the second Conservative leadership contest that ended with the selection of Premier Paul Davis.
The year ended with a political crisis as Paul Davis, launched a political war with the federal government over a promise supposedly broken. And then there has been the string of by-election victories by the Liberals and losses by the Conservatives.
Or the financial mess, triggered by the 40% drop in oil prices. It promises to produce one of the worst deficits on record this year – unless the Conservatives have been bullshitting, like they have done so many times before – or a very harsh budget next year.
Either of these stories alone could be the top political story of 2014. But the big political story of 2014 is the element that links them all together in one.
Sometimes you find the strangest things among the draft posts.
Here’s a sample from a January 2012 draft post that never saw the light of day that offered a forecast for the political times ahead:
People love to read posts that contain nothing more than lists.
You know this is true because every self-appointed guru of the Internet will give you a list of simple things to do online that will make you an instant success and somewhere on the list is the advice to always produce lists.
Who are we to argue with such collective wisdom?
In any event, and in keeping with a long tradition of lists around these parts, here is the list of the top 10 SRBP posts for 2014.
The provincial government has a very serious financial problem.
The forecast deficit for the current year is the second highest on record at $916 million.
No one knows how big the deficit will be next year, but with oil prices forecast to stay in their current range for the next couple of years, odds are very good that the provincial government will turn in a record deficit next year.
That is saying something. The forecast in 2004, the first year the Conservatives took office, was for a deficit of $840 million. Finance minister Loyola Sullivan called it “the largest deficit in our province’s history.” He was a wee bit off. The actual accrual deficit in 2003 was $958 million.
Keith Hutchings - the provincial cabinet minister leading talks with the federal government on European trade - issued a statement on December 9, 2014.that began with a simple statement.
“In June, 2013,” Hutchings began,
“our governments agreed that, in exchange for the [provincial government] agreeing to lift minimum processing requirements (MPRs) for the European Union (EU), the Federal Government and the provinc[ial government] would establish a fund that would provide for total expenditure of $400 million based on a 70/30 federal/provincial cost share.”
The money was for “industry development and renewal [in the fishing industry] as well as worker displacement” according to Hutchings.
But when Hutchings spoke with the Telegram’s James McLeod six months later, things weren’t quite so cut and dried.
Prince Edward Island is in the market to buy 100 megawatts of electricity from Hydro-Quebec, according to media reports on Thursday.
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