Here’s a short piece in which Paul Staines a.k.a Guido Fawkes looks at the difference between his online work and the journalists who cover politics for the mainstream media.
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The real political division in society is between authoritarians and libertarians.
Here’s a short piece in which Paul Staines a.k.a Guido Fawkes looks at the difference between his online work and the journalists who cover politics for the mainstream media.
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From Friday’s New York Times, four views on the art of persuasion as practiced in the United States Capitol using the health reform bill as the centrepiece.
There’s reference in the article to the Johnson Treatment. To get the full effect, you can find the famous 1957 series of four photographs of then-senator Lyndon Johnson at work, by NYT photographer George Tames.
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Odd - dontcha think - that members of the Innu Nation chose the last part of last week to challenge the provincial government on caribou hunting in an area where previously they’d been generally supportive.
Every year, usually in the spring, some Innu from Quebec cross the border and take down a few of the very few remaining caribou in the Red Wine herd. There’s always a flurry of news coverage and righteously indignant news releases from the provincial wildlife minister.
This year, the controversy arose in November, coincidental with the Churchill Falls/Lower Churchill meeting of Atlantic Premiers and involved some of the Innu from Sheshatshiu.
The spokesperson was Peter Penashue who – again just coincidentally - has also been front and centre lately, discussing the latest round of never-ending discussions to finalise a land claims deal that was supposedly finalised last fall and which Penashue recently said actually wouldn’t be done for another three years or so.
On the caribou issue, Penashue was hammering away at the supposed lack of consultation between the Innu and the provincial government on wildlife management.
More interestingly though, here’s how the Globe contrasted Penashue from five years ago when the Quebec Innu were doing the spring hunt and Penashue today:
"No one knows for sure if Red Wine woodland caribou were killed, or, if they were, how many," he wrote then in The Globe and Mail.
"The hunt in the Red Wine caribou range was not just an illegal protest, it was completely inconsistent with Innu values. ... Putting a threatened caribou herd at further risk can never be justified on the basis of aboriginal rights."
He said last night that "I obviously wouldn't concur with" that statement now, saying that he had lost faith in the provincial government's ability to manage the caribou.
Interestingly, Premier Danny Williams described the Innu land claims agreement as being crucial to the Lower Churchill:
Williams recently told a Telegram editorial board that if the New Dawn Agreement with the Labrador Innu isn't ratified, the Lower Churchill deal would die.
That’s from a story in the Saturday edition which isn’t on line.
The timing is rather interesting, though.
If the Innu were really close to settling the land claims issue with the provincial government that is so crucial to the Lower Churchill project, then it seems odd the point man on the New Dawn agreement would be out on such a particular day in such a conspicuous way tackling the provincial government for its lack of consultation.
We’ll all know something is up for certain – he said perhaps only somewhat facetiously - if the Fan Klub starts linking Penashue to Hydro Quebec and Shawn Graham.
And the Pentavaret.
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Thankfully there are still some places in the province where a sense of humour hasn’t been surgically removed.
The crowd up in Labrador took advantage of the Friday meeting in Churchill Falls to have a little fun in the midst of all the heavy discussing.
Give it a listen. It’s funny stuff.
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1. Shawn Graham had some strong words in advance of yesterday’s meeting of the Atlantic premiers. At the end of the meeting things were not much different.
2. An independent panel will review the NB Power deal.
3. A quick review of recent events will show that as far as the argument goes from Newfoundland and Labrador, something under the bed is still drooling.
4. Note the reference in that 2006 post to selling power by avoiding Quebec. Little did your humble e-scribbler - or anybody else in the province for that matter – know until recently.
4. The completely invented (i.e. false) nature of some of the comments used in the pure emotional arguments about the boogey man are glaringly obvious if you know something of the actual story. Danny Williams said yesterday that “it's obviously symbolic that we're here today at the place where the original Upper Churchill deal was done.” That’s in the Telegraph-Journal story in the first link.
Apparently they were in Montreal, not Churchill Falls. Yes, Williams was being his usual hyperbolic, figurative, never-literal self, but that sort of comment is taken as fact by too many people – perhaps even Williams himself – given how little is evidently known about the 1969 boogey man in the first place.
Take as another f’rinstance, the tale of Ottawa’s role in the whole affair as described in the story about the power corridor.
5. And if you want a sense of the reason why hysteria, fantasy and emotion are so powerful, consider Russell Wangersky’s observations on the nature of modern media and the audience they work hard to serve.
We're conditioning ourselves to expect the crack cocaine of immediate gratification - and when we can't get that short, sharp shock immediately, we move on to somewhere where we can.
Indeed we are.
And his words are worth the time given that so much of what he says is both a cause and a symptom of a very current issue in the province. It’s a topic tackled around these parts before:
On another level, though, what the Premier meant in that case is actually irrelevant. What it is simply worth noting that not a single reporter thought it worth asking a simple question. Not one thought to ask what he meant, just to be clear. Inquisitiveness - supposedly at the core of the journalistic profession, let alone the source of our species' progress - was absent.
Not one wanted to know.
Reporters reflect the society in which they work. There's no way of knowing if the Internet has changed the way people are thinking or if it merely facilitated a trend already present. Television was decried as an idiot box and in some respects, Carr and others are simply transferring the epithet to the box sitting on or under many of our desks.
The source of the change is not as important as the consequences of the shift, the lessening desire to know things.
Chenza at court, the court of silence, as the Tamarians would say.
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For the record – via labradore – with full audio of natural resources minister Kathy Dunderdale's September 4 comments to randy Simms of VOCM Open Line to follow:
Y’know, the Premier has gone to Quebec, and gone to Premier Charest, and, y’know, we’ve had NALCO(R) visit y’know Hydro-Quebec, I’ve been meeting with Ministers and so on. And we say to them, okay, y’know, we’ll set the Upper Churchill to one side, but, y’know, let’s sit down and have a talk about this Lower Churchill piece.
Y’know, we know that we have to have a win-win situation here.
Because we, as I’ve said earlier this week, we know that if you don’t have win-win you have win and poison pill. Because that’s what we’ve got with the Upper Churchill. So we can have a win-win situation.
We know that if you come in here as an equity player that you have to have a good return on your investment. And we want you to have a good return on your investment.
But it also has to be a good deal for the people of Newfoundland and Labrador.
Now we have been with that message back and forth [i.e. to Hydro-Quebec] for five years. No, sir. No, sir. There is no takeup on that proposal.
That’s right folks.
Danny Williams tried unsuccessfully and in secret for five years to sell a chunk of the Lower Churchill to Hydro Quebec with no redress on the Churchill Falls contract. Oddly enough that put Williams efforts at selling the Lower Churchill – without compensation for Churchill falls right back to around the time he said no deal was possible without compensation.
As CTV reported in April 2005:
Williams reiterated Monday that any deal with Quebec will have to include some kind of redress to the province for the unfair split of profits from the Upper Churchill.
But he offered no specifics on what redress could entail.
Update: In December 2002, Williams told a crowd gathered to protest a deal on the Lower Churchill that
“Our position here tonight … is that there should be no deal on the Lower Churchill until there’s redress on the Upper Churchill.”
That was reported in the Telegram on December 4, 2002 in a story titled “Tories rally – election style”.
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… doesn't see the Quebec issue as a major stumbling block, as regulation requires the province to allow access to its grid in return for a set tariff. Hydro Quebec and Nalcor are just working out the details.
01 Sep: Emergency session of the legislature called for September 8 to deal with amendments to 2008 water rights legislation.
Any costs to Ontario would build in the price of that tariff, but what's most important is how that final cost would compare to the next-best alternative. [Emphasis added]
"This amendment is necessary in order to facilitate an agreement between Nalcor Energy or its subsidiary and CF(L)Co," said Minister Dunderdale. "As these negotiations are currently underway, we wanted to get into the House early and make this amendment to avoid any uncertainty to the parties involved. We thank the opposition for their cooperation on this matter and we look forward to further discussion on the amendment when the House reconvenes next week."03 Sep: In a speech to a national audience, Premier attacks Hydro Quebec for supposedly throwing up roadblocks to lower Churchill development.
“They [Churchill Falls (Labrador) Corporation lawyers and directors] felt that we had extinguished their rights to the whole watershed area that they require to produce electricity in the Upper Churchill and that would cause them some concern,” said [natural resources minister Kathy] Dunderdale.Unspecified time in September: Deal reached with CF(L)Co on water management.
There are strange things done ‘neath the midnight sun but nothing quite as curious as the goings on the campaign trail in Terra Nova district last week.
Liberal leader Yvonne Jones apparently found that Tory leader Danny Williams was showing up at places where she had booked meetings or scheduled visits but always about an hour in advance.
Maybe he was there to dispense a little wisdom. Maybe he was campaigning in the time-honoured tradition of Newfoundland politicians.
Anyway, Williams and his entourage were gone by the time Jones showed up.
In one case – as it goes in versions have arrived at the doorstep of your humble e-scribbler - Jones had scheduled a private meeting with one business in the district.
The operators of the business were surprised to find Williams on their doorstep an hour before the meeting proudly announcing he was there and ready to meet.
No one was expecting him – apparently - since there’d been no contact about his arrival or having a meeting with him.
Maybe Danny should try the same approach with Hydro Quebec.
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Consistent with government policy of selling off energy assets – converting principle to cash - clause 8.4 (A) of the Hebron Fiscal Agreement exempts the NALCOR oil and gas corporation from provisions of the agreement that allow government to treat the company differently from other offshore oil companies.
Sections 8.2 and 8.3 shall not apply to OilCo as long as OilCo is a Crown
corporation of the Province.
The words “as long as” suggest a provision to cover off the potential sale of NALCOR’s oil and gas subsidiary.
It wouldn’t be necessary unless the current administration anticipated selling the asset at some point.
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Related:
Memorial University Board of Regents chairman Bob Simmonds announced today that the board selected Dr. Gary Kachanoski as the new president and vice-chancellor of the university.
The experienced academic administrator and internationally renowned scientist will take up the post in July 2010.
This ends a two year search process which include an appalling level of political interference by a previous education minister in the university’s autonomy.
Changing a number of key players involved in the previous fiasco, including the appointment of Simmonds as regents chairman, got the process back on track and let it proceed with evident integrity.
The result is a solid choice well ahead of the forecast conclusion to the process in 2010.
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“It's giving away their future.”
__________________________________________________________________
At the heart of a little flame war last week on one local blog came a rather surprising nugget of hard news that Newfoundlanders and Labradorians likely have never seen and may well never see covered at all – let alone in depth - by local media.
Telegram blog writer Geoff Meeker noted a comment by Premier Danny Williams in the House of Assembly on April 30, 2008. In answering an opposition question about putting $100 million into debt reduction for Newfoundland and Labrador Hydro, the Premier said:
It was a previous Liberal government that wanted to actually privatize Hydro. This particular government wants to strengthen Hydro, wants to make it a very valuable corporation: a corporation that will ultimately pay significant dividends back to the people of this Province; a corporation that perhaps some day may have enough value in its assets overall as a result of the Hebron deal and the White Rose deal, possible Hibernia deal, possible deals on gas, possible deals on oil refineries and other exploration projects, where hopefully we might be able to sell it some day and pay off all the debt of this Province, and that would be a good thing. [Emphasis added]
That’s right.
Danny Williams spoke publicly about selling off some or all of the province’s energy corporation to pay down public debt.
CBC’s provincial affairs reporter David Cochrane added to the discussion online and offered some additional insight into the Premier’s thinking:
We pulled him outside for a scrum to ask about it. Even before we asked a question he clarified his comments. He said he misspoke in the legislature. He wasn't talking about selling Nalcor. He was talking about selling the individual assets it acquires.
For example, if the Hebron stake is eventually worth 5-billion [sic] dollars and someone wants to buy, Williams said he would consider selling it to reduce debt.
That was consistent with past comments he had made when the government rolled out its plan to revamp Hydro into an energy company.
As established in the first part of this series – Control and Resources - that isn’t what Williams had been saying consistently at all.
To the contrary, selling any asset of the energy corporation would run directly counter to the stated goal of acquiring control over the province’s resources and hence its development and future. Being masters of our own destiny is tied directly to resource ownership.
But Cochrane was right: Williams had talked about selling some or all of the energy corporation before. As Cochrane showed, Williams had mentioned the idea in October 2005 in a story Cochrane had done on Ed Martin’s arrival as chief executive officer of the fledgling corporation that would be eventually known as NALCOR Energy:
Williams says his top priority is for the company to become an investor in every form of energy development – or, as he calls it, to get a piece of the action.
"I would like to see Newfoundland and Labrador Hydro gain a strong asset base, so in fact then the government of Newfoundland, as a shareholder, also benefits from that asset base," he said.
…
"If energy continues to grow in value as it is now, perhaps what we could now buy for a billion dollars could be worth $10- or $20 billion in 10 or 20 years' time, which means that those assets have a value whereby we could pay off our debt," Williams said. [Emphasis added]
The 2005 comment is not as clear as the 2008 version in the legislature but they are along the same lines.
And certainly in 2005, Williams wasn’t splitting hairs over regulated (electricity) versus non-regulated (oil and gas) assets as Williams apparently did in the unreported portion of the media scrum in April 2008. As Cochrane described it:
Williams did not say he would sell off all the assets (i.e power generation and transmission capacity). He was talking energy assets in the oil and gas sector.
Now while it doesn’t appear that Williams has said this “many, many times” as Cochrane asserted elsewhere in that comment, there is no question Williams has spoken of selling off some or all of the energy corporation in order to pay down public debt, if the price was right.
Nor is it the only reference to selling energy assets, even though the idea is not contained in the energy plan or the campaign manual. In a clause of the New Dawn agreement, released in September 2008, one provision covers the potential sale of the Newfoundland and Labrador interest in the Churchill Falls (Labrador) Corporation:
On the one hand, the Williams administration has a clear policy connecting the principle of control of energy resources with ownership of equity stakes in energy projects.
Yet at the same time, the Premier has spoken publicly about the potential that these assets could be sold to reduce public debt.
And on top of that, an agreement with the Innu Nation includes a specific provision covering the potential sale of the Newfoundland and Labrador majority shares in the company that operates the Churchill Falls power complex.
Clearly the two notions cannot live in the same space.
Well, they can actually if one considers another statement by Danny Williams which describes another aspect of his political philosophy:
What I said before and I said going in, this is about principles, but it's also about money as well. At the end of the day, the promise and the principle converts to cash for the bottom line for the people of Newfoundland and Labrador.
That’s a comment Danny Williams tossed out in November 2007 during the racket about broken political promises with Stephen Harper.
Williams used the word “principles” in the familiar sense. A “principle” is a fundamental rule. A “principle” may also be expressed as a value like openness, honesty, or integrity.
The dispute was a matter of principle, in that sense; a promise made is a commitment to act that must be fulfilled. If someone breaks his or her word without good cause or explanation, the relationships between people can no longer function.
But “principle” in the way Danny Williams used it on that occasion in 2007 identifies the “principles” as nothing more substantive than the basis for a claim of damages or the source of a grievance. Relief or compensation can be had by identifying a sum of money, or, as Williams puts it: “the principle converts to cash.”
The notion is hardly surprising for a lawyer who spent a lot of time arguing for damages for his clients, even if there are few others who would – on the face of it – accept that principles of any kind can be transformed to coin.
Yet Danny Williams obviously operates on the belief that he has a political Philosopher’s Stone in his pocket. Like its legendary alchemical predecessor that converted base metal to gold, this stone would convert electricity and oil into dollars.
The curious thing is that none of this has been reported clearly and consistently within the province. It is doubtful that a majority of Newfoundlanders and Labradorians know anything but the old and familiar notion that links control of resources with the future.
Yet there is no mistaking that the Williams administration has another policy firmly in place - at exactly the same time - which would allow for the sale of resources in a fashion that directly contradicts the notion of control on which the administration claims popular support for its policies.
Little wonder in April 2008 then that Danny Williams responded so strongly when reporters asked him to scrum on his statements. Again, as the CBC’s David Cochrane described it:
We pulled him outside for a scrum to ask about it. Even before we asked a question he clarified his comments. He said he misspoke in the legislature. He wasn't talking about selling Nalcor. He was talking about selling the individual assets it acquires. [Emphasis added]
In the end, the reporters in the scrum opted to report nothing of the comments at all, including the Premier’s “clarification.”
Regardless of what the reporters decided on that busy work day, the Premier’s comments and the unsustainable internal contradiction in them are obvious in both the Premier’s criticism in the legislature of Hydro privatisation on the one hand and then the expressed interest in flipping assets to pay off debt on the other. It doesn’t matter how often the Premier said it.
The comments take on new importance though given the Premier’s recent attack on the sale of NB Power to Hydro Quebec.
And at the same time, as the province faces tight provincial finances, the question of exactly what is government policy on energy, control and sale of resources to meet financial needs deserves to be answered clearly and unequivocally.
Such a question can only be answered, however, if someone deigns to ask it.
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As of September 22, the presidential search committee at Memorial University had 40 names to review and two whole stages of sifting left before they came up with a name.
The time line in September 2009 was that the “committee and consultants plan to continue efforts in the coming months with a view to concluding a successful search by early 2010.”
Well, something shifted, big time.
According to CBC, there is an announcement scheduled for noon on Wednesday.
All things considered the sudden conclusion of the whole exercise is rather odd.
Sounds very much like a convenient fit turned up out of the blue.
Of course, this wouldn’t be the first time that organized, professional searches were interrupted by outside interference from a political source in the current administration.
Maybe Andy Wells is getting tired of the PUB.
Unconspiratorial Update: There’s an excellent chance this thing was done professionally and the choice will be very good, unlike the political mess the last time.
How can you tell? Lips are zipped all over town. When it’s political, everyone knows what’s up.
Meanwhile, some eagle-eyed observer noted all the government appointees to the board of regents whose term expired in October or whose term will expire this December.
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“Securing equity means having greater leverage to control our own destiny.”
“The principle of making our own way and taking control of our resources is the right one.”
Two quotes from the Speech from the Throne,
House of Assembly, March 2008
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Control is a key principle in Danny William’s political philosophy.
Control of the province’s natural resources is a core point in most of his administration’s public statements on oil, natural gas and electricity.
The word occurs twice in his recent letter to Shawn Graham about the proposal to sell NB Power to Hydro Quebec. There’s the reference to “New Brunswickers who no longer control their energy destiny.” Then there’s the contrast: “ But we took control of our own destiny and Nalcor Energy is now a crown jewel in our province’s energy assets.”
Williams also raised the concern about control of transmission routes supposedly resting in the hands of Hydro Quebec and of the control of rates resulting from the sale of NB Power.
Energy and control go together, as Williams made clear when he announced in 2006 that the provincial government would “go-it-alone” on the Lower Churchill. he made the following comments in the House of Assembly on May 8, 2006:
“...but the big message here is that we are masters of our own destiny, that Newfoundlanders and Labradorians are in control of this project for the benefit of Newfoundlanders and Labradorians."
- "By taking the lead we are in full control of the project, unlike the circumstance with the last government; that project, basically, was going to be controlled by Quebec. It would have been marketed, it would have been financed, the transmission would have been done by Quebec. The control of the project, the project management, would have been done by Quebec. As well, if there had been an overrun on the project, the last Lower Churchill project that was proposed by the Grimes government, in fact, we could have lost the project; because, if there had been an overrun, we would not have been in a position to be able to finance it….”
But control is not just a principle behind energy initiatives. Being “masters of our own destiny” is the same idea in other words and it crops up repeatedly in Danny Williams’ speeches and comments as an idea central to government policy.
Control is a principle of the administration’s policy. It is a guiding rule, an essential quality, or the basis for action.
The relationship between resource control and equity is established clearly in the Conservative party’s 2003 election platform.
The section on resource development puts it this way:
The power to control development of offshore oil and gas is of little value unless the Province has the know-how to deal with technical issues and field assessments equivalent to the expertise of the major oil companies, and sufficient ownership in production licences to influence development decisions.
- A Progressive Conservative government will either restructure Newfoundland and Labrador Hydro as an energy company, or create a new Energy corporation, with a mandate to retain equity in the Province's oil and gas resources. This will be done on a go-forward basis.
The relationship is mapped out more plainly in the 2007 energy plan released in time for the 2007 election campaign. So important is control that it is the second principle guiding the plan, after sustainability:
Our Principles
1. Sustainability
…
2. Control
We will exercise appropriate control over the development of our resources to ensure they are managed and used in the best interest of the people of Newfoundland and Labrador. We will assume an ownership interest in the development of our energy resources where it fits our strategic long-term objectives.
The idea is repeated again in what, by now, is a familiar formulation in a discussion of energy resource management (p.13):
We will take more control than in the past over the development of these resources and the benefits they generate.
Having identified the importance of control and the connection to management, management, the plan then re-affirms that equity stakes in energy projects are the first lever used “to ensure sound and effective management and to maximize benefits over the long term.” (p.18)
Control and equity stakes are thus intimately connected in the Conservative philosophy.
The 2003 campaign platform identified the key role to be played by a new energy corporation in holding the equity stakes and thereby serving as the means by which the provincial government would exercise the sought-after control of energy resources.
As well, the energy corporation has other key control responsibilities set out in the energy plan:
- “If the Provincial Government [sic] lifts the moratorium [on small hydro projects], it will institute a policy that the Energy Corporation will control and coordinate the development of small hydro projects that meet economic thresholds and are viable for an isolated island system.”
- “One of our goals is to maximize our benefits from resource developments. We believe this means the Energy Corporation should control the development of all small hydro developments for the benefit of all electricity users and determine whether to do this alone or with private sector partners.”
- “To maximize these benefits [from wind power], the Provincial Government believes the Energy Corporation should control the development of all wind projects and determine when to develop alone or with private sector partners.”
- “Due to the strategic importance of generation and transmission to the future of Newfoundland and Labrador, the province, through NLH [Newfoundland and Labrador Hydro], will retain ownership and control of its existing transmission and generation assets”
To anyone familiar with the Williams administration, none of this will be new. in fact, it will be so familiar that one might wonder the point of such an extensive recitation of the relationship between the principle of control and the idea of equity stakes in Danny Williams’ philosophy.
That will become clear in the second instalment of this series.
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The Atlantic Institute for Market Studies today released its updated 1998 demographic study for the Atlantic provinces.
Not surprisingly they confirmed the demographics trends for this province over the next three decades that have been known publicly since the early to mid-1990s in this province.
"While slower growth and aging affect the labour force, and hence a region's ability to generate output and income, they also affect virtually all other aspects of the economy. They affect patterns of saving and household consumption, and hence investment. They have differential effects on sales, production, and investment levels in different industries, and their impact thus falls unevenly on different areas within a region. They affect the tax bases from which provincial governments must draw revenue, and they affect the demands for government program expenditures. Work carried out in other contexts suggests the feasibility and importance of anticipating the effects of population change on government expenditures."
Those trends and the financial implications for government are nothing knew for regular Bond Papers readers.
This sort of information is one of the reasons why this corner of the Intern long ago branded government spending as unsound and unsustainable.
It just took them three years to figure it out.
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Danny Williams and his little band might be off to New York to push the Lower Churchill but those savvy people in the Big Apple will know the project is increasingly nothing more than a cute little video with Ron Hynes’ voiceover.
The aboriginal land claims agreement said last year to be finalised and set for a ratification vote in January is still mired in the negotiation and ratification process.
Canadian Press is reporting that Innu deputy grand chief Peter Penashue said:
"Government and the aboriginal people have signed off ... and that will ultimately go for ratification in the very near future."
But Penashue said it could be three or four years before the agreement winds its way through federal channels and is ultimately approved and voted on by his people.
Three or four years before it gets to a vote.
That’s a long way from this fall, which was Penashue’s prediction in June 2009.
Danny Williams was right when he told the Telegram editorial board recently that the project would not happen in the near term.
One of the reasons for the delay in finishing the land claims agreement is that only two of the three parties necessary for a finished product were involved. Despite the provincial government’s decades of experience with land claims agreements, including lengthy negotiations on the Innu claim, these talks ignored the federal government entirely.
"At one point we were looking at splitting the agreement" into provincial and federal areas of jurisdiction, he said.
…
"Subsequently, it has been agreed to by lawyers that (provincial issues) can't be separate from the feds because the feds have the constitutional powers and authority to finalize these agreements," Penashue said.
There’s no explanation why the provincial government and the Innu embarked on the bilateral talks knowing that legally there was no way to cut Ottawa out. What legal genius thought otherwise?
This is further proof that the problems and delays in the Lower have nothing to do with the politically driven fiction coming from the Premier’s Office - and faithfully repeated by some others - that the whole Lower Churchill project is buggered up because of Hydro Quebec.
There’s a reason why your humble e-scribbler labelled the New Dawn announcement the Matshishkapeu Accord. The whole thing is a pile of wind, from some of its initial details to the sheer nonsense that the whole thing was done.
The Premier heralded the thing last fall as doing everything except curing scoliosis. The deal was not just an important step toward the Lower Churchill, it was an “extremely important” one and before the already breathless sentence ran out of breath let’s add that it was also a “significant” step too. Like an important step - let alone an extremely important step - wouldn’t also be significant unless that was added to the sentence as well.
Anyway, the overblown language turns out to have been a very good indicator that the deal was not so much of a deal after all. Remember the Rule of Opposites?
After it was announced, the Matshishkapeu Accord quietly slipped away into MIA Land. The ratification vote was cancelled amid rumblings of major problems with the deal that needed reworking.
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According to the Conference Board of Canada’s latest economic projections for the provinces, province’s that are down this year are going up next year.
All except one.
Newfoundland and Labrador’s economy is forecast to shrink 3.6% this year but the Board has now said that the local economy will also contract another half percent in 2010. The Board doesn’t anticipate a return to growth in Newfoundland and Labrador until 2011.
It put Newfoundland and Labrador in a category of its own. That province is expected to post the biggest GDP decline this year at 3.6% and is the only provincial economy forecast by the Conference Board to contract (by 0.5%) in 2010. The board said the province was hurt by declines in forestry, mining and manufacturing this year, and offshore oil drilling is expected to remain at depressed levels next year.
Incidentally, VOCM missed the importance of that entirely.
The forecast contraction for Newfoundland and Labrador this year is the largest in the country for 2009, incidentally.
Now all of that make as a complete mockery of the line coming from local politicians. After the collapse last year, the Premier talked about the province being protected by an economic bubble last year. That turned out to be a version of the St. John’s Harbour bubble apparently.
And just within the past couple of weeks, environment minister Charlene Johnson was out telling a local Rotary Club audience about how the province was well positioned to weather the economic storm due to the wonderful things done by the crowd she’s a part of.
Well that’s another issue.
There’s no question however, the economic bubble was entirely fictitious.
The Conference Board projection is in line with the actual oil revenue data for the first half of 2009 that Bond Papers brought you exclusively earlier this week. it shows royalties are down 57% for the same period in 2008 and that they are 15% below the government’s own forecast thus far.
Oil production is also down. In the first six months of fiscal 2009, production is running about 29% below the same period in 2008.
Add to that personal income tax. Last year, personal income tax (PIT) generated $899,460, 000 in government revenue. That works out to $4, 037 for each of the 220, 300 people working in the province, full-time and part-time. You can find those figures using information in the provincial government’s own financial documents tabled with the budget last spring.
Government lowballed the number for its 2009 budget, projecting PIT at $786 million. That’s despite expected growth in income - yes, they forecast more income going around - and a decline in employment of only 2,000. That $786 million is about $100 million below what the government’s own numbers would work out to be, incidentally. That’s why the ones actually published in the Estimates are said to be low-balled.
Job losses are currently running higher than forecast. In October it was 5,400 for the same month in 2008. Now word publicly on wages but working with the provincial government’s figures and the actual performance you would bring personal income tax in at around $870 million. (4037 X 215,000) Now that’s a rough estimate.
Even if PIT went to the same number as last year by some quirk, it still wouldn’t offset the forecast decline in oil revenues and the drop that came in mining and the forestry sector.
The government is on track to get the budget they forecast. There won’t be any surprises, like discovering that despite all the posturing and puffing about being a have province, the government actually opted to switch formulas and collect Equalization in 2008. They did that, incidentally, five months after Danny Williams made his great “have province” speech at the November Tory fundraiser. It was a spectacular poll goose but it was also a fraud since the provincial government knew the numbers and cabinet knew that it would not make its Equalization election until the following March. There is more to being a have province than a political speech, a poll goose and a rip-off video.
But that, too is another issue.
There are serious issues to be faced in the months ahead. The people of Newfoundland and Labrador are only just now starting to see the signs.
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Quebec Premier Jean Charest revealed today that Hydro Quebec has started negotiations to take over electricity delivery on Prince Edward island.
He made the announcement at a major energy conference in Boston that brought together every major actor in the energy business on the north-eastern part of the continent.
Hot on the heels of news about Hydro Quebec’s deal to buy NB Power, this is hardly surprising.
Hydro Quebec has seen its revenues from electricity exports shrink by about 30% over last year. There’s little chance of that rebounding in the near term as the Untied States gropes its way out of a recession.
There’s hardly a better place for Hydro Quebec to go hunting for new customers than New Brunswick and Prince Edward Island. In both places, electricity rates are in no danger of dropping. Hydro Quebec has a pile of power and no place to sell it. they’ve also got the cash ready to go.
Sounds like a match made in heaven.
Hydro Quebec has deep enough pockets to buy up the financial mess known as NB Power, deliver electricity rate relief to New Brunswick consumers and make good money when a hunk of Quebec electricity would normally be making a better return somewhere else.
Watch for the same sort of deal in Prince Edward Island.
It works for everyone. What’s been missing in all the second rate commentary, hype and pure political bullshit flowing in Atlantic Canada these past few weeks is that Hydro Quebec is cutting a straight up business deal in the Maritimes. They are in business to make money and make money they will.
When the American markets rebound Hydro Quebec will be ready with its existing generating capability, the 8,500 megawatts in development through wind and hydro in Quebec, Point LePreau, and the hydro in New Brunswick and the wind generation that has been and will be developed in both PEI and New Brunswick.
All of that is considerably closer to American markets than the Lower Churchill. It will be shipped over existing infrastructure. Any new power lines that are needed will be shorter and considerably less costly to develop than either new lines through Quebec from Labrador. let’s not even talk about the so-called Anglo-Saxon route. It was ludicrously expensive in 1965 and it remains so the better part of a half century later.
There’s no surprise, in all this, that the Newfoundland and Labrador energy corporation and Premier Danny Williams decided to stay away from a meeting of anybody who is anybody in energy in New England and Eastern Canada.
Not only would there be the embarrassment of being in the room for Charest’s announcement, they’d also have to spend two days with a bunch of people who know the real score on the Lower Churchill. These people just don’t have the time or the inclination to have smoke blown up their backsides. They’ve got better things to do.
No surprise either that the same day the big news breaks in Boston, the provincial government here announced a one day junket to New York to talk about an imaginary future energy project and other what-ifs with an unknown group of people. They’ll turn out for the free nosh, if nothing else, and back home the locals can just cover this as if it was news.
Hydro Quebec went to the Maritimes and it’s been picking up assets, customers and future earning potential on both sides of the border along the way.
Danny, Kathy and Ed are going to New York for a few hours.
Bet they won’t come back with much more than a few souvenir pictures of Danny, Ed, Kathy and Liz standing in front of the Ed Sullivan Theatre.
It’s right around the corner from the Hilton on Avenue of the Americas.
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Ok.
So the political theatre that is the Lower Churchill project is now pulling into a another location already mapped out on the route.
It is a route pre-determined by amendments to the Electrical Power Control Act in 2007 but only put into force this past January.
That’s right.
2007.
Two whole years ago.
Because the provincial government’s energy corporation couldn’t reach a deal on water management on the Churchill River with Churchill Falls (Labrador) Corporation, the whole thing is headed off to the public utilities board where the Premier’s hand-picked appointee and a couple of other people will oversee the imposition of an agreement.
Hands up anyone who thinks the water management agreement that inevitably results from this process will not be exactly what the government’s energy corporation wants it to be.
And what exactly makes this some sort of giant obstacle supposedly thrown by Hydro Quebec to the development of a project which – as of this moment – has no customers, no financing and which, by the Premier’s own version of things is not even close to being started?
Good question.
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Energy analyst Tom Adams recently wrote that “Newfoundlanders are lucky that Nalcor, their Crown energy company, is not out in the market the trying to sell high cost power right now.”
Yep.
We’re lucky alright.
Really lucky.
No one would ever head to New York City to try and flog a very expensive project at a time when energy prices are low and capital is really hard to come by to build the project in the first place.
“We will showcase Newfoundland and Labrador as a prospective location for investment and focus specifically on our province’s potential as a long-term producer of competitive and reliable green energy through the Lower Churchill project.”
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Well if Tom Hedderson is putting on his firefighter’s hat to go visit Joan Burke, you know it’s either to announce another fire truck, officially kick off the November sweeps month with the government’s official pollster or both.
At this rate fire trucks could be the key to keeping those government-paid polls artificially government-goosed.
Zombie News Update: Not only did Tom show up to announce a fire truck, he also showed up to announce money for capital works that have already been completed or which will be completed in a couple of weeks.
Holy blatant poll goose Batman.
Talk about the hypocrisy of recycling old money announcements for fairly blatant political gain.
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