On Wednesday, Premier Paul Davis announced that Ken Marshall had been appointed chair of the board of Nalcor and an unspecified number of Nalcor’s subsidiaries.
Danny Williams’ old business buddy has been on the Nalcor board since 2004 and he’s been the acting chair of the board at Nalcor since earlier this year.
Note the date: 10 December 2014.
Now check out the order in council issued on 04 November 2014:
Exactly one year ago, the provincial government was in a controversy over its part in the European free trade deal. The Conservatives were heralding the great deal, including a $400 million fisheries development fund.
The opposition Liberals asked for details. The provincial Conservatives and then-Premier Kathy Dunderdale wouldn’t release any information. On December 5, 2013, Premier Kathy Dunderdale relented and released 80 pages of letters and e-mails between federal and provincial officials about the talks.
A year later, the provincial Conservatives are still in a political quagmire over the deal. This time the problem is that there isn’t any deal. Premier Paul Davis said on Monday that the whole thing was just a matter of crossing a few tees and dotting some eyes. On Tuesday, , Davis and a gaggle of his cabinet ministers said the negotiations on the fund were going no where. He needed to take it to the Prime Minister and so Davis and Stephen Harper would meet on Wednesday.
That was fine except that the Prime Minister’s Office said there’d been no meeting scheduled. Harper was scheduled to be in Montreal for Jean Belliveau’s funeral.
Some people are making issue lately out of the fact that – supposedly - the Liberals have not released any policies. The Liberals will be government soon and no one knows what they plan to do.
There are two types of people talking like that. One are partisans, mostly Conservative, but with a few New Democrats. The Conservative interest in this idea is pretty obvious. They want to shift the pressure of their team and onto the Liberals. They want to change the channel. But more than that, they want to expose the Liberals for the frauds they are.
CBC news reported on Thursday that the topsides module for the Hebron project won’t be delivered on time.
Rather than arriving in 2015 for mating with the concrete base, the entire structure for the living, drilling, and support spaces won’t arrive until sometime in the middle of 2016.
The original project timelines called for the topsides to arrive in early 2015 for mating to the concrete base. That would allow time to float the structure to the site, fix it in place, and start drilling the production lines into the field. The original plan called for first oil in early to mid- 2017.
The one year delay in topsides fabrication will likely mean a one year delay in first oil. it’s hard to imagine how it could be any different.
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Prompted by Wednesday’s post on Muskrat Falls costs, a couple of readers drew your humble e-scribbler’s attention to a tidy little briefing note posted on the Nalcor website.
It’s not really obvious – some might say it is buried - but if you going looking you can find it and a lot of other useful information. That’s a shame, really because this little two-pager was far more informative than anything that’s actually come out of the mouths of the Nalcor brass or provincial cabinet ministers.
As it turns out, Ross Wiseman did a bit more than bugger up his fractions. And your humble e-scribbler was off by a bit in trying to unravel Ross’ version of things, too.
Twitter sometimes produces some gems.
Like on Tuesday when Tom Baird, a mathematics professor at Memorial pointed out that the province’s finance minister had a wee bit of a problem with basic math.
“Just do the math,” Ross Wiseman told Liberal leader Dwight Ball during Question Period on Monday. “ Based on the current projected cost of that project of $6.9 billion, our investment over time, over the life of that project, the construction of that project, will be about $2.3 billion…”. And that $2.3 billion, according to Wiseman was the 25% investment the provincial government had always said it would put into the Muskrat Falls project.
The fact that Premier Paul Davis refused to give a simple answer to a simple question should send a chill up your spine.
MR. J. BENNETT: Mr. Speaker, at least thirty-five children have died while receiving service from this Province since 2009.
I ask the Premier: Has he been briefed on these deaths? If so, will he provide a report to the House of Assembly?
PREMIER DAVIS: Mr. Speaker, any time a person loses a loved one, I cannot think of anything that would be more difficult, challenging, and have a greater impact on a family. If it be a family who has a child who has a relationship with a government department, is either under a program or receiving services – because many of those children that the member opposite is referring to were not in the care of the government, were not in the care of Child, Youth and Family Services, but may have been receiving some supportive services from government or have had other relationships with government.
Any time those types of incidents happen –
MR. J. BENNETT: Have you been briefed?
PREMIER DAVIS: I am sorry, I say to the member opposite; this is very important, so just please bear with me.
These are very, very important to us as a government. I know how important it is to the minister, I know how important it is to the staff, and we take every step possible to ensure the safety of all children in Newfoundland and Labrador.
[via Hansard]
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Back at the start of the current Conservative administration in 2003, they were very sharply aware of the problem with using one-time revenues for day-to-day spending.
They were so concerned about using that one-time money that they tried to get the federal government to do the impossible, namely give the provincial government here a permanent handout equal to oil revenues, in addition to the oil revenues that the provincial government collected.
Then they tried to get the federal government to exclude those one-time revenues from the Equalization formula so the provincial government could get the oil money and the hand-out at the same time. That didn’t work either.
The one thing the Conservatives didn’t do – for all their rhetoric about independence – was to act like a responsible, independent government. They didn’t manage public finances for the long haul.
Putting a freeze on any discretionary spending is the very least that the provincial government could do in light of the dramatic – but entirely predictable – volatility in oil prices that have made the government’s huge budget deficit even larger.
The fact that Premier Paul Davis finally admitted on Thursday that oil prices are likely to remain low for the foreseeable future – something that has been clear for some time now – is a pathetically small sign that the provincial cabinet is finally starting to realise the depth of the problem the provincial government currently faces.
As small and as pathetic as it is, we do at last have a sign.
Paul Davis wasn’t around on Tuesday night to talk to reporters about the by-elections. He had a family medical problem to deal with.
So the job of speaking for the government fell to Steve Kent, the self-promoting wonder from Mount Pearl whose fan club makes Danny’s look like a bunch of slackers. No biggie, said Kent of the losses. we are hard at work. Lots to do. Look how far we have come. Yada. Yada. Yada. Gotta keep our stick on the ice.
Steve Kent spews clichés so often he has become one. His buddy, Sandy Collins called the night time talk show on VOCM after the votes were in. No biggie. Lots to do. Keep our stick on the ice. They are all so scripted someone said to your humble e-scribbler. Not scripted, sez your scribbler: sharing a mind.
They all think alike.
Like Susan Sullivan, who backed John Ottenheimer in the leadership, and the guy who won, Paul Davis.
“What does Paul Davis do now?”
That was the start of the conversation. A serious question after the latest in a string of by-election losses for the provincial Conservatives deserved an equally serious answer.
Well, said your humble e-scribbler, that assumes he and his fellow Conservatives actually want to do anything. Davis was the leadership candidate who promised to keep the party on its existing course in every respect. They firmly rejected not only making changes but even appearing to make changes.
Everything we can see – poll results, talk around town, you name it - says that voters want some changes in politics. The Conservatives refuse to change. And so it is that they have lost by-election after by-election after by-election.
It’s not rocket science.
In the 1980s, local entrepreneur Craig Dobbin bought a batch of helicopter service companies across Canada and merged them with his own company - Sealand – to form Canadian Helicopters.
By the time Dobbin died in 2006, CHC was one of the largest providers of helicopter support services in the world.
Not just Newfoundland and Labrador.
Or Canada.
Or even North America.
The world.
People are looking back a century to the start of the First World War so, on the political side, it’s interesting to take a trip back and see what things were like then.
The Prime Minister was a guy named Edward Patrick Morris. He was a lawyer, popularly known as Ned. By the time he got to the Prime Minister’s Office, in 1908, he’d been in the House the better part of 30 years and he served in cabinets under different premiers going back to the late 1880s. Morris’ predecessor – Sir Robert – had pretty much the same sort of background.
Compare that to recent Premiers in Newfoundland and Labrador.
We’ve got a provincial government in Newfoundland and Labrador that has been budgeting for years to spend more than it brought in.
Way back in the beginning, way before the oil money cut in suddenly and largely unexpectedly, Loyola Sullivan said that people should expect the Conservatives to run deficits annually of half a billion dollars or more. The logical implication of what he’d said in 2005 was that it might have been 2014 until the Conservatives balanced the budget.
Now to be fair, Sullivan was speaking about the magnitude of the provincial government;s financial problem as he and his colleagues found it in 2004. But at the same time, by 2005, we were also talking about how the Conservatives intended to run things themselves.
They were clearly not as concerned about public debt as they had been in 2003. Part of that might have had something to do with this idea they had of making a killing selling cheap electricity into the United States, but frankly, Sullivan’s forecast of a debt of about $17 billion – which the Conservatives delivered on – suggests they really had something else in mind.
A post last week offered a quick confirmation that, as finance minister Ross Wiseman said, provincial government spending accounts for about 30% of the gross domestic product measured as spending.
A couple of people on Twitter took issue with that idea, apparently. They also took issue, as it seems, with the contention around these parts that the situation Wiseman described was a matter of government policy as opposed to the random changes in the economy.
Let’s dig into this in more detail. It really is quite important as the government has a very serious financial problem to deal with, what with the growing deficits and the weakening income. Wiseman mentioned the impact of government spending on the economy, incidentally, as a reason why he could not cut spending very much, if at all.
You really do have to wonder how anyone could be expected to keep things straight when the people they rely on to help them understand keep changing their statements.
Take, for example, the fight between the provincial Conservative administration in Newfoundland and Labrador a decade ago over offshore oil royalties and Equalization.
Premier Paul Davis hasn’t delivered any speeches, issued any news releases, or done anything else to explain who he is and what he wants to accomplish as Premier.
The guy has the job.
But he hasn’t told anyone anything about his plans.
On Wednesday, Davis had the perfect chance. He delivered a luncheon speech to a few hundred people at the St. John’s Board of Trade.
“Between now and next spring we’ll let our plans be known,” Davis told reporters after the speech. “We’re planning as we’re moving along,” he added, sounding suspiciously like an admission that they are making it up as they go along.
So what did he talk about in the speech?
A couple of weeks ago, finance minister Ross Wiseman said that he can’t cut government spending because it is such an important part of the economy.
Wiseman said government spending amounted to about 30% of the province’s gross domestic product. He was absolutely right, if you measure the gross domestic product based on expenditures within the province.
As regular readers of this corner know, provincial government spending has become an increasingly important part of the provincial economy under the Conservatives. This reverses a very clear trend that has been underway for some time. When you look at the numbers, it’s pretty clear.
Originally left as a comment on the post about Remembrance Day, Dave sent this along as an attachment to an e-mail because it was too long for a comment.
Here it is, as sent, unedited.
Last night I got the urge to look up a couple of my relatives who were killed in World War 1. I've always been interested in genealogy so I had a small amount of info, including a couple of pics on one but very little on the other. One of them was my father's brother and the other was my grandfather's brother on my mother's side.
I guess right off some of you must think I'm 80 odd years old myself. Nope, I managed to defy the normal generations of time...lol, not my doing, my old man was 60 and my mother was 40 when I was born. In fact, I only had one grandparent born in the 20th century.
Anyway, I knew a little bit about my Uncle Alonzo Adey or (Eddy) as the name he signed up with. We all found that strange and one of my brother's said he was too young so he used a false name. Years later I dismissed that as I knew when he was born but last night I discovered the real reason why. I found a pdf online that contained some of his documents from when he was enlisted to when he had died.
He had signed his name "Eddy" yup, a real signature. Why I thought? Then right before my eyes I saw another document where my Grandfather had also signed his name that way as well. I knew they weren't ignorant people contrary to what many believe about our ancestors back then, even though many had little schooling, they did learn to read and write. I knew that all official records had used the spelling "Adey" so my grandfather should have known the difference, especially when a census taker had spelled his, my grandmother and their children’s names as "Adey" I also knew that census takers sometimes bastardized names...I have seen a couple of docs from the early 1800's where the spelling "Eddy" was used on occasion. Anyway, solve one mystery and discover a new one.
My uncle Alonzo joined the Royal Newfoundland Regiment in 1916, got some training, was shipped over seas and on April 14, 1917 at Monchy-le-Preux, during the Battle of Arras; he was killed. Not only killed but nothing was found of him. A month later a rather crudely worded message which is not identifiable was addressed to his father saying merely that his son was missing.
Uncle Alonzo had given authorization to the pay office to deduct 60 cents per pay to be set aside for his benefactor, my grandfather. The sum that was paid out after his death was $18.80. Was it a lot of money for him? Who knows but I do know he had to go to the trouble of requesting and providing proof of who he was to get it.
In August 1921 my grandfather received the Victory Medal for his son, Alonzo Adey (Eddy) who had participated and died in the Great War.
I was going to write about my great Uncle William Luther Marsh who had served and died in Europe as well but I don't want to bore anyone. The story is about the same as my uncle Alonzo's...died at a different time in a different place. He was born and lived at Deer Harbour, Random Island...a resettled community. They likely never knew one another and served at different times. He had left his father the tidy sum of $19.72. The only similarities are their ages, the length of their service, their height and their weight. Both were short at 5' 6" and weighed 120 lbs. Maybe someday I'll honor my Great Uncle much better than this short paragraph.
Before I go, I have to say that there were many in my family who have served in peace and war. I can't go before World War 1 as I'm not sure if anyone served in army, navy or war. Perhaps and likely there have been but I have no names to inspire me to search deeper into time and history.
In World War 1 I had 2 uncles serve, one was killed and one was wounded. One great uncle who was killed. One Cousin who was wounded and in POW camp for a year until end of the war. A Cousin who was with the Overseas Forestry Unit in Scotland. And my Grandfather Marsh who served in the Royal Navy Reserve; he told me that he made 16 cents a hour. He lived until he was 97 and attended every Remembrance Day parade in Clarenville at least up into his late 80's, I left home mi 80's so I'm not sure after that. I do know he never said he was going to a parade or anything like that...he called it "The Funeral".
I had one Aunt who married a Nfld soldier of World War 2 and another Aunt who married an American serviceman probably in St. john's during World War 2...they had sons who also served in the American military. Those 2 Aunts also had a brother (my uncle) who served in the CAF...I have to check on something because one of my brother's told me he was the only Sargent Major in the CAF, he's also the same one who told me my Uncle Alonzo used a false name because of his age.
Of my 3 brothers in my family, 2 of them served in the CAF...our other brother had the mumps or measles when he was young and he had bad eyesight, if not for that he probably would have signed up as well.
In 1984, a few days after my mother died I went into the Recruitment Center on Water Street...less than a month later I was in Nova Scotia doing basic training. The day before I left Clarenville I went around to visit my family; I went to visit my Uncle Fred who was the last of my Father's siblings to be alive. He was well into his 70's and many years before he had suffered some very powerful strokes that left him very helpless. I remember going into his house and he was sitting at the table crying, I asked my Aunt what was wrong and she said that he was afraid I was going off to war. As I reflect back now the helpless old man I held in my arms who cried for me was a little boy when his older brother went off to war and he never did see him return. I feel sad because he never saw me return either, he died some months later.
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Corporal Kenneth Chad O’Quinn, 2 Canadian Mechanised Brigade Group Headquarters and Signals Squadron, killed in action, 03 March 2009
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More people will pay attention to Remembrance Day this year than usually might. The murder a few weeks ago of Corporal Nathan Cirillo, and to a lesser extent, the murder of Warrant Officer Patrice Vincent, are enough to remind a few more of the memorial day for those who have died in military service. The rest will wear a poppy in their lapels or come out to the parade because this is the 100th anniversary of the start of the First World War.
Thirty-odd years ago, you wouldn’t have seen this level of interest. The passage of years since the end of the Korean War made military things too distant from most people’s lives to have a personal impact. And for many others, the anti-American, anti-war views that came as a reaction to the Cold War kept them not merely indifferent to Remembrance Day but openly hostile to anything that smacked of positive feeling toward anything and anyone connected to the military.
That changed with the end of the Cold War. Within a year after the Berlin Wall was gone, Canada was at war in the Gulf. Through the rest of the 1990s, Canadians took on increasingly difficult and dangerous jobs in places like Bosnia and Croatia. As the dangers of war service became more personal to Canadians, so too did their interest in in commemorations like Remembrance Day.
If you want to see a fine example of the political management of a potentially devastating scandal, take a close look at how Justin Trudeau and the Liberals handled the accusations against two caucus members.
One news conference stripped the New Democrats of a political issue they could have – and likely would have - used against Trudeau in the run-up to the next general election. Trudeau positioned the Liberals as the champions of the fight against sexual misconduct in the workplace. And to cap it all, Trudeau’s statement effectively shifted the focus of the story from the salacious details onto the fact that the federal parliament has no means to deal with harassment.
That last one turned out to be highly advantageous. Within two days of the Trudeau news conference, a former New Democratic Party staffer launched a law suit against an NDP member of parliament over allegations of harassment. The best that Thomas Mulcair could muster is the claim that, as reported by Canadian Press, that the MP “would not face a reprimand because a management-union committee had already reviewed the matter.” The MP said “he took all the right steps, and believes the matter will be dismissed.”
A couple of recent posts included the invented word “stragedy”. As some of you figured out, it’s a deliberate combination of strategy and tragedy that reflects the strategic tragedy and the tragic strategy that the provincial Conservatives have been following lately.
That’s what it is, really: a tragedy. A political party that only a few years ago was untouchable in any respect is now teetering along on the brink, presumably, of political annihilation.
You’ll hear more and more people talking about this turn of political events as being a cycle. The Conservatives now are in the same place the Liberals were just before 2003. Whenever the next election comes, the Liberals will win, just like the Conservatives did in 2003.
The people who hold this view look at the string of by-election victories point to the victories as proof of the cycle. And as the Liberals mount up the victories, other people are persuaded that there must be some truth to the story.
It’s inevitable.
That’s all wonderful, except that it isn’t inevitable, really.
The Canadian Institute for Health Information (CIHI) released its annual summary of health care spending health care last week. This is a pretty basic collection of numbers that show how much money we spend on health care, whether it is from provincial, federal, or private sources.
The report made the news, as it always does. The Globe and Mail reported that spending on health care was growing at its lowest rate in 17 years. fair enough. They also did a story on how much seniors are costing the health care system.
In that second one, the Globe asked why it is that some provinces pay more per person for health care than others. Some provinces – like Newfoundland and Alberta – have more money because of oil, said the Globe’s expert.
And if you really didn’t know what was going on, you’d think that made perfect sense.
The Conservatives were looking to the by-election in Conception bay South to break their losing streak.
As it seems now as voters in the district head to the polls on Wednesday, Premier Paul Davis is already conceding that CBS is heading Liberal. He spoke to reporters [CBC Here and Now, 40 mins in] after announcing a $20 million venture capital fund and tax credit scheme. Davis said that “one of the disadvantages [in politics is that] it takes a long time for people to have an opportunity to identify with the new government,” what they have done, their work ethic and all that.
Some of you are undoubtedly wrinkling your nose up at that one. Well you should. It’s a ridiculous claim given that Davis has just come through a leadership contest and he’s been in office a while. People know all about him and his team and what they are on about.
Paul Davis started out as Premier talking about his plan to run a national competition to find a communications director for his office.
There’s been no mention of Davis’ missing communications director as he and his office blunder through the Manning mess. Then suddenly, on Monday, the talk of a national competition was gone. Davis appointed one of the departmental communications directors to the job. Davis also announced a bit of old news, namely that he’d hired Peter Morris from the university to handle something called “strategic communications” in his office and Donna Ivey to handle the media inquiries.
Whatever Morris has been doing, clearly it had nothing to do with strategic communications. The political disaster doing business as unelected cabinet minister Judy Manning has been proof of that. What you’ve probably got there, as much as anything else, is the current fashion to label everything as “strategic” even when it isn’t.
Davis’ new communications director is Heather MacLean. if she wants to make any big changes, MacLean’s got a tough job ahead of her. After all, Davis and his crowd have been ploughing ahead without much sign that they want to change anything. Inertia is the biggest political enemy the Conservatives have but the Conservatives just like the sameness of it all.
Some of you may recall that Davis was the leadership candidate most committed to keeping things pretty much as they are. It’s not surprising, then, that when time came to find a director, Davis found one who has been with the Conservatives since the beginning.
That communications news wasn’t the only shift on Monday.
The latest eruption of the Manning political controversy volcano is evidence of many things. Not the least is that Premier Paul Davis and his team have a monumental problem in their organization. It’s the one that steps in to manage political crises. Davis and his crew don’t have one.
So far, they’ve let Judy Manning wander in front of cameras, call radio open line shows, and continue to do everything in her power to defend herself and justify her actions. She did all of that on Thursday, starting with VOCM’s Fred Hutton, followed by a call to Open Line with Paddy Daly and finishing up with an interview on NTV.
Manning gave reporters a couple of e-mails that showed she had, in fact, submitted a couple of draft decisions. Everything else has been a personal attack on her. Manning even managed to get in a slam at James McLeod from the Telegram over a piece he did a while ago that showed Manning hadn’t finished her master’s program.
All that probably makes Manning feel really good. It’s possible that the great minds at the Confederation Building think that Judy is doing the right thing. The Conservatives have got a record of handling political problems in this way. The reality is that they are just making the whole thing worse.
Shortly after she was appointed to cabinet, Judy Manning told CBC that she was taking a significant cut in pay from her solo law practice to take the new job as an unelected minister. “I'm doing this from a public service perspective,” Manning said at the time.
That was part of her planned responses to questions about Paul Davis’ controversial decision to appoint an unelected minister and break the long-established political convention that unelected ministers seek a seat in the House at the earliest opportunity.
Manning portrayed herself as nobly taking on the job despite the financial hardship. We should feel sorry for her, presumably, rather than question the arrogant fashion in which she and her boss were breaking the rules.
A couple of weeks later, in another set of planned replies to questions, Manning blew that noble image to pieces.
NTV commissioned NTV to poll opinion about the provincial Conservatives a month after Paul Davis took over as Premier.
The party choice numbers are simple enough: Liberals at 37, Conservatives at 16, the NDP at just six percent, and undecided at 40.
Leadership numbers Put Dwight Ball of the Liberals slightly ahead of Paul Davis (31 to 27) with Lorraine at 10 and undecided at 33.
The Conservatives who have been clinging to the belief that “satisfaction” with government is the great hope will be dashed to find the most recent “sat” number is 48%, down from 60% just a short while ago for MQO.
So what does it mean?
As it becomes more clear that the two recent murders of Canadian soldiers had less to do with terrorism and more to do with people who are otherwise screwed up, the RCMP commissioner issues a media statement claiming the police have a video that links one murder to “ideological and political motives.”
But they can’t release the video and may never release it.
Right.
CBC’s On Point this weekend delivered up some all-too-familiar conversation on the budget and a political panel talking about Judy Manning but sometimes you have to look closely at things to appreciate the value in public comments by politicians and reporters.
In an interview with David Cochrane, finance minister Ross Wiseman confirmed that he cannot even think about trimming government spending because the economy is heavily dependent on it. Wiseman put the figure at about 30%.
Regular readers of these e-scribbles have know this for years. What’s news in this is that we have a finance minister admitting it publicly.
While you are busily mulling over the possible implications the drop in oil prices might have on the provincial government’s budgets, distract yourself by pondering some of the other implications of low oil prices on the provincial economy.
The Paris-based International Energy Agency thinks that about 25% of Canadian energy projects would be in jeopardy if oil goes below US$80 a barrel and stays there for any length of time. As the Financial Post noted in its report last week on the IEA opinion, that would put a number of newer more expensive projects in Alberta and maybe in Saskatchewan in doubt. Norway’s Statoil has already shelved an oil sands project.
Globally, the low prices would also make about three percent of all energy projects dodgy propositions. Some of those are deep water projects like those in the Orphan Basin offshore Newfoundland. The Orphan isn’t turning up in any of these global forecasts because people don’t know enough about the prospects there to determine if they are even commercially viable.
We will remember them.
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That’s the most striking thing about a series of television ads airing in Newfoundland and Labrador.
There’s no sense of an invitation to come and join the group. At least, there’s nothing of that in the images themselves.
The only place you see the invitation is in the last image, a graphic that looks like this:
Now you get why these ads aren’t really about recruiting.
See it?
It’s hard to imagine a more politically tone-deaf set of ads than the three currently in circulation by the Royal Newfoundland Constabulary ostensibly as part of a recruiting campaign.
The 15 - , 30 – , and 60-second spots are all similar. They start with a shot of the police tactical team in black clothes, military helmets and MP-5 automatic weapons, all set to burst into a house. The music is dark and ominous, as are virtually all the images. Even the sequences involving the largely ceremonial mounted patrol take on a decidedly sinister or threatening tone.
Just to give you a sense of how incredibly heavy-handed the Constabulary advertising is, take a look at a Canadian Forces recruiting ad from 2011. It shows personal challenges and lots of physical activity. The images are full of light and action. The messaging issues a challenge to a potential recruit based on his or her individual expectations.
Lots of people are wondering what the changes to the price of oil will do to the provincial budget.
It will have an impact: no doubt about that.
But trying to figure out what the provincial budget numbers will look like is a wee bit more complicated.
People interested in one of the big geological uncertainties that could affect the Muskrat Falls dam will have a chancer to hear from an international expert later this month.
Dr. Stig Bernander,an international expert on quick clay landslides, will deliver a public talk at the LSPU Hall, on Victoria Street, St John’s at 8 pm Thursday, October 30th. He will discuss quick clay landslides with particular attention to the North Spur, a key feature of the Muskrat Falls dam project.
Quick clay is clay material deposited under marine conditions upwards of 20,000 years ago. Exposure to rain coupled with a barely perceptible upward pressure can cause quick clay to liquefy. The North Spur at Muskrat Falls contains quick clay .
The North Spur is a one kilometre long strip of land that Nalcor plans to use as a natural dam to hold back the Muskrat Falls reservoir. Failure of the North Spur would catastrophically release all the water in the reservoir and inflict serious downstream damage on Happy Valley/Goose Bay and Mud Lake while essentially wiping out the Province’s Muskrat Falls investment.
Bernander’s visit is being organized by a local concerned citizens group.
Bernander was a chief design engineer for Skanska West, a large international design and construction company based in Sweden with worldwide operations. His ground-breaking research on quick clay led to the development of an updated method for assessing quick clay stability under different conditions. His first publication on brittle slope failures was printed 1978 and his calculation method was gradually developed in the years 1981 to 1989.
From 1980 to 1998, Bernander served as a part-time adjunct professor at Luleå Technical University as well as simultaneously heading the Skanska West Department for architecture and engineering design.
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Premier Paul Davis changed the name of the justice department to “public safety”. The local chapter of the Canadian Bar Association wrote a letter to Davis. They complained that the government had changed the name of the department without making clear what the new department would do.
So after a couple of weeks of controversy, Davis added the word “justice” back into the department name. He issued a news release late on Friday afternoon.
Some people think the name change is good. Some think it is bad. What’s more interesting is what the episode has revealed about the Conservatives with Paul Davis in charge.
Charlene Johnson quit the legislature first.
The chief electoral office has been plugging special ballot voting in the seat she vacated since the early part of October. For those who don’t know, you can vote in Newfoundland and Labrador up to 30 days before the writ drops in any election. In other words, there is no election at all and no candidates but you can vote. The catch is you have to vote for a party.
Yes, it’s all completely nutty but such is life in Newfoundland and Labrador under the provincial Conservatives. And yes, SRBP and others have gone through it all many times before.
Anyway, under changes the Conservatives made to local election laws, they have to call the by-election in Trinity-Bay de Verde by November 5, 2014.
On Tuesday, the provincial government announced there will be a by-election in Conception Bay South on November 5, 2014.
Huh?
Like clockwork, about two weeks after Danny Williams last got his mug on the news, the most thin-skinned media hound on the planet got himself a ton more ego-stroking attention.
Every two weeks or so.
Like clockwork.
If you don’t believe it, just do some google searching.
A recent article in The Atlantic looked at the infant mortality rate in the United States and why it appears so high in comparison to the rest of the world.
After all, the Untied States is one of the richest countries in the world with some of the most sophisticated medical care in the history of mankind. It seems a bit odd that the infant mortality rate is about 6.1 for every one thousand live births. That puts the Americans somewhere on par with the Poles and the Slovaks, incidentally.
As The Atlantic piece notes, a recent paper at the University of Chicago explains the numbers. About 40% of the difference between European and American infant mortality numbers comes from a difference in reporting babies born before the 24th week of gestation. In other words, Americans report births for premature deliveries that aren’t reported elsewhere.
The biggest difference, though, came from babies after the first 28 days of life. In particular, the paper shows that infant mortality for white children is comparable to European data. Infant mortality among non-white children, from predominantly lower socio-economic circumstances, is much higher and therefore the overall American infant mortality rate is higher than in Europe.
So what about Newfoundland and Labrador?
Unelected cabinet minister Judy Manning was “surprised” that her personal relationship with Paul Davis’ political bagman came up in a recent CBC interview.
Surprised?
That’s an interesting choice of words.
Just like it is interesting for Manning to say that:
“Quite frankly, in terms of my predecessors, I don't recall the media ever approaching any of our previous cabinet ministers or our previous premiers about with whom they were sleeping.”
A complete unknown, with a relatively limited experience practicing law and no public profile at all suddenly turns up as an unelected attorney general, states emphatically that she will violate a fundamental constitutional convention, and then says she is surprised that people wonder who she is and where she came from.
She is surprised?
“CHC Helicopters Canada is establishing a presence in St. John’s.”
There is something about that comment from a spokesman for a company that, not so very long ago, had its international headquarters in St. John’s that makes you want to either laugh or cry. It’s hard to know which one would be the right response.
It’s pathetic that a spokesman for a company with such a rich history makes a statement that sounds like the company never operated here before. The official history of the company makes no mention of Craig Dobbin at all and his company – Sealand – is an incidental part of a story that claims the company grew out of British Columbia’s Okanagan Helicopters.
That tells you that CHC considers this province to be just another dot on a map where their helicopters fly and the company makes money. It’s no big deal. In other words: St. John’s doesn’t really matter.
Well, since CHC obviously doesn’t really give a crap about St. John’s, the local business community, local politicians, and local citizens should treat them the same way. As fast as they “establish a presence” in a city where the company once had a frigging global headquarters, CHC will be gone again. So while they are here, charge them full fare, cut ‘em no slack, and make whatever you can off them all in the name of free enterprise.
And no one will shed a tear when they leave again.
It’s not personal.
It’s just business.
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The St. John’s Board of Trade is about the only business advocacy group in the world that doesn’t actually believe in free enterprise.
The Board doesn’t believe that government should control public debt. They claim they are worried about it, but in practice the Board will shout with joy the more the government spends.
That sounds ridiculous, but it is true.
The Board of Trade supports the Muskrat Falls project, for example. The project involves a massive increase in public debt. There’s no evidence it is the cheapest way to meet the provinces electricity needs. The only way it can work has been to create a complete monopoly in electricity production in the province that will force locals – including businesses – to bear the full cost plus profit, so that the provincial government’s energy corporation can sell discount electricity everywhere else except inside Newfoundland and Labrador.
The Board of Trade likes Muskrat Falls for two reasons. Above all else, the Board’s members want a piece of the construction phase for the project. It’s pretty simple. Right behind that, the Board is notoriously sycophantic. It doesn’t actually advocate for business – like you might expect - as much as follow whatever line the provincial government lays down.
Bizarre, yes. But simple to understand.
The Board is also a pretty funny organization, too. Not funny as in bizarre or weird, aside from that anti-free enterprise thing, but funny as in roll on the floor and pee your pants laughing.
The local chapter of the International Plastic Modellers Society will be having its annual model show and competition on November 9 at the Arts and Culture Centre in St. John’s.
You can find more information at the chapter website along with some samples of what the talented local modelling community produces.
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The first week of October is World Breastfeeding Week.
Check out babyfriendlynl.ca and you can find information on some of the activities going on across the province.
Breastfeeding is the SRBP cause, for those who don’t know. Check out this post from 2009 that proposes a provincial goal for breastfeeding that we can achieve: 66 at 6 in 2. 66% of newborns need to be breastfeeding at six months old. We can get from where we are to that 66% target in two years.
The current rates are way lower than that.
We can turn that around.
All we have to do realise it’s more important to get more of our babies on the tit instead of more local politicians.
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The day after she took the oath of office, Judy Manning, the province’s new attorney general and minister of public safety, and Premier Paul Davis, her boss, are facing intense public criticism.
It’s hard to tell whether people are more upset by her evident, and admitted, lack of experience practicing law or the fact that neither she nor her boss are too fussed about getting her a seat in the House of Assembly any time soon.
Either one alone would be enough to call in question Davis’ fitness for the job. The two combined are damning. On top of that, you have to add in the completely unnecessary appointment of Keith Russell to cabinet. Then the day before, you have the latest twist in the Humber Valley Paving saga: it’s really as rough a first couple of days as any politician has had.
There are so many things to discuss but to keep things manageable let’s down on the Manning Mess.
March 13, 2014 was a Thursday.
Normal cabinet day.
According to Auditor General Terry Paddon’s report on the Humber Valley Paving contract, Nick McGrath, then minister of works and transportation called his deputy minister at 8:45 AM and asked him whether he’d heard that HVP wanted to get out of their Labrador paving contract. (p.39) He hadn’t.
There’s no indication of how McGrath became aware of HVP’s problems. According to Paddon’s report, McGrath told him that he “may have” heard about HVP from colleagues. (p.54) It’s all pretty vague.
The deputy called Gene Coleman at 9:15 AM, according to Paddon. Coleman, son of the erstwhile Conservative leadership candidate McGrath claims he had not heard of, confirmed the company “would not be going back to Labrador” (p. 54) in 2014, at least not without compensation. Coleman indicated that without compensation, HVP would want a mutually-agreed termination of the contract with the government. (p.39)
The Fairity Intervention
At 9:30 AM, the deputy got a call from Kevin O’Brien. He was calling about the HVP contract, too, even though O;Brien had no reason to be involved. (p. 39) Asked by Paddon later how he became aware of the issue, O’Brien - who was also an organizer for Frank Coleman’s leadership campaign - said that he had heard “colleagues” talking, wanted to speak with the deputy about other issues but raised the HVP issue because of the potential connection to forest fires in Labrador. (p. 54) O’Brien was minister of fire and emergency services
Paul Davis will get a lift down to Government House this afternoon and swear the oath of office so Tom Marshall can finally get out of politics.
It’s been about two weeks since Davis won the Conservative Party leadership and that’s a fairly typical period of time between election and taking office. What hasn’t been normal is that Davis has been doing something in the Premier’s Office since last week. He’s been standing in for the real Premier and we don;t know for sure what else he has been doing.
Davis doesn’t have a cabinet yet. He’s going to name the cabinet and get them sworn in next week. As for office staff, Davis has named a chief of staff but there’s no sign yet of other names for other jobs. One of the key jobs that is going begging is the person to run Davis’ public communications.
There’s talk Davis will run a national competition for someone to take the job. What would happen in the meantime – if he really goes that idiotic route – is anyone’s guess. By the time they find someone to take the communications job, Davis’ political goose may already be cooked.
Someone sent a request to the Premier’s Office for access to all “Email [sic], memos, letters, notes between Elizabeth Matthews and the premier’s office [sic] between June 1, 2013 and June 1, 2014”.
The Premier’s Office sent the person a couple of e-mails. They deleted some information under section 30 (personal information) and section 7(2) of the Access to Information and Protection of Personal Privacy Act. That second section basically allows government to sever information that is exempted from disclosure.
Read the completed access request and you will see the only thing they deleted was Matthews’ e-mail address.
Problem: the entire disclosure violates section 30 of the ATIPPA.
One of the big changes Bill 29 made to the province’s access to information law was to give a list of documents that could not be released under the Access to Information and Protection of Privacy Act because they were cabinet documents.
Before then, the law in Newfoundland and Labrador, like the similar laws in the rest of the country merely said that people couldn’t get anything that would make public what the cabinet ministers talked about, in private, among themselves. A British Columbia government policy manual explains why:
Premature disclosure of Cabinet deliberations inhibits the ability of Cabinet members to debate issues openly and freely, thereby reducing the effectiveness of Cabinet’s decision making role.
One of the reasons no one bothered to define a cabinet document and bar that from disclosure is that no one could really say what a cabinet document is. People who’ve never dealt with cabinet or who have never had occasion to think about these things wouldn’t understand that how cabinet operates can vary widely from first minister to first minister. The changes made in Bill 29 reflect how cabinet operates these days but Paul Davis or any of the ministers who come along later may run cabinet in such a way that most of those mandatory exemptions of certain pieces of paper won’t matter a bit.
There’s no firm rule as to who may sit in the room with cabinet. Some administrations have allowed only the clerk of the council and a deputy clerk into the room to provide administrative support. Other people may come into the room and make a presentation but they get shuffled out of the room before cabinet discusses anything. In other administrations, they’ve had all sorts of hangers-on sitting in the room. Most often, the extra bodies are senior political people from the first minister’s office.
At times, the Executive Council hasn’t included everyone with a ministerial portfolio. And on occasion pretty well every cabinet will throw everyone out of the room and discuss something entirely among themselves. But there might never be a paper for them to read in advance, a note, a presentation or anything of the sort.
Even the form of the minute varies. These days, it includes a list of people who get a copy. There’s a number on it and the actual statement of the decision includes all sorts of references to the authority cited for making the decision.
Go back a hundred years and you will find piles of these minutes. They might be as little as a sentence or two. The certified minutes, the ones that needed the Governor’s signature, were written out long-hand in a book the Governor kept.
That’s where things get interesting. Note that the minute above refers to a meeting of the committee of the Executive Council. The ones a century ago that your humble e-scribbler has been reading lately say pretty much the same thing. That’s the another way of saying the Executive Council without the lieutenant governor present for the meeting. These days it is unheard of for the Queen’s representative to attend any meeting of the council, federal or provincial, here in Britain or anywhere else. A century ago, a committee of the council – cabinet ministers without the Governor - met to discuss all sorts of routine things, including budgets.
Back then, there were meetings of the Executive Council. They took place at Government House and, as near as your humble e-scribbler can figure, they included the Governor. A good example was the meeting held at 3:30 p.m. August 7, 1914 to decide on the Newfoundland contribution to the war. You can hunt for any record of the meeting in the cabinet papers and you’ll never find a mention. We know it happened, though, because the Governor refers to to it in letters. There’s a specific note in his type-written daily diary and the Prime Minister mentions it in a letter or two written around the same time. We know they discussed a proposal drafted by the Governor two days beforehand, apparently based on discussions with the Prime Minister. The version cabinet approved is not exactly what the Governor proposed.
There’s no record of that meeting, though, just as there is no record or any other meeting of the whole council during the period from about 1908 to 1914. There might be others but YHE-S hasn’t gotten to them yet.
There’s nothing odd about that, by the way. The British cabinet didn’t keep any record of decisions until after the war started. There could sometimes be a huge gulf among ministers about what, if anything, they’d discussed and decided. The only formal record of any sort through most of the 19th century was a letter written weekly by successive Prime Ministers to the Queen, for her information. Even then, what the Prime Minister said cabinet discussed and agreed on might not be what ministers recalled.
Incidentally, for those who might be wondering about the endless trips to Government House to appoint ministers lately, you need only check the Executive Council Act to see that it wasn’t necessary: “The Lieutenant-Governor in Council” – meaning the whole cabinet – “on the advice of the Premier may appoint a minister as acting minister for another minister during the absence or incapacity for any cause of that other minister, and all acts of an acting minister shall have the same effect as if done by the minister in whose place he or she is acting.”
They’ve appointed acting ministers countless times over the past decade, most often to cover off Charlene Johnson when she was on one kind of leave or another. Tom Marshall could have done exactly the same thing as ministers quit for one reason or another. The only question is why he chose to swear in new ministers and shuffle his cabinet around all the time.
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Anyone who was paying attention to these things has known for about 25 years that the province would face a demographic crunch starting ‘round about now.
Anyone who has been reading Bond Papers for any length of time will know that demographics have been a big issue your humble e-scribbler has been banging on about pretty much since the beginning in January 2005. Go over to labradore and you will find what is known in the professional analyst trade as a shitload of posts, graphs and other sorts of information about demographics.
Collectively, we’ve got a good handle on both the magnitude of the problem and the implications. The problems are already here and the deliberate lack action by successive provincial governments means we are substantially behind where we need to be to cope with the consequences of a rapidly aging population.
So it is that after studying all the stuff that people have already produced about the problems the province is facing, the good folks at the Harris Centre at Memorial University have concluded that we need – brace yourself – “additional research” in order to “get ahead” of these changes.
Ye frackin’ gods.
Some people have been reporting problems getting SRBP through their Internet service provider or IT support team.
It isn’t clear what’s going on, but one of the problems seems to be a unique one confined to the provincial government’s Office of the Chief Information Officer.
If you are having trouble getting SRBP, drop a line to ed underscore hollett at Hotmail dot com. Once your humble e-scribbler has a sense of the bigger picture we might be able to figure out how to fix the problem.
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Political conservatives like to talk about how government ought to be run like a business. They talk about it so much that it’s odd, then, that they never actually do it.
Part of it has to do with language. They use words that appear to mean the same thing when, in fact, they actually have two distinctly different meanings.
Danny Williams is a good example of how that peculiar breed of politician. The Old Man talks about the public money his buddies on city council gave to his hockey team as an investment. As a businessman, though, Williams means something different when he talks about investing his own money.
Perhaps it is just Danny Williams’ ingratitude that pisses people off.
The multi-millionaire hockey team owner just got a massive subsidy from the taxpayers of St. John’s so that he won’t suffer any lost revenue. It should be a no-brainer for the guy to say thanks to the people who have made him wealthy for the cash Williams’ buddies on city council handed him this week.
A simple “thank you” wouldn’t have hurt him.
it was a no-brainer.
But no.
Instead, Ole Twitchy called the media together on Wednesday to whine, moan, bitch, and complain about those who don’t like giving tax dollars to people like Williams who don’t need it.
What a douche.
Danny Williams is one of the richest people in Newfoundland and Labrador. He is a multi-millionaire who owns a successful hockey franchise in St. John’s.
Danny Williams makes a lot of money from the St. John’s IceCaps, If he didn’t, Danny wouldn’t be in the hockey game.
Good for Danny Williams. If his business is profitable, then Williams’ business is good for the city and good for the province. That’s the way free enterprise works.
Ralph Champneys Williams was a career British public servant who came to Newfoundland as the Governor at the tail end of one of the greatest periods of political turmoil in the country’s history.
Sir Robert Bond went to the polls in the 1908 at the head of the Liberal to face his rival Sir Edward Morris, the Leader of the Opposition and head of a coalition of Conservatives and some others under the name of The People’s Party.
The result was a tied election. Unable to form an administration that could survive the election of a speaker. Bond went to the Governor to advise him to issue a writ for a new election. The Governor – Sir Williams MacGregor – refused to issue the writ and instead called on Morris to form an administration. He was in the same position, of course, and, when the House could not elect a Speaker, MacGregor dissolved the House on Morris’ advice. Morris went to the polls as Prime Minister and won a majority.
Williams arrived in Newfoundland in the wake of two years of political upheaval. He found himself in a place that was likely very strange to him.
Paul Davis delivered one of the shortest victory speeches Saturday night of any person elected to lead a party in power.
Davis said very little but what he said might reveal much:
This weekend we started down a path, a path to rebuild the PC Party of Newfoundland and Labrador, and I ask all of you to work with us as we work together and continue on that path to rebuild our party for the future and prepare for 2015. [via The Telegram]
Davis wasn’t alone in saying that. Rebuilding the party in order to defeat the Liberals was a common theme.
After a while, though, it seemed a bit…well… odd. After all, Davis was the leader of the party in power, with a majority of seats in the legislature. Sure, the party is in second place in the opinion polls but that’s not the same as the result of an actual election.
It took one more ballot than expected but Paul Davis is the new leader of the provincial Conservative Party and the Premier-designate of Newfoundland and Labrador.
The Conservatives spent a lot of time talking about the value of the leadership in rebuilding the party. A majority of the delegates didn’t vote for that, though. Paul Davis was the candidate who talked the least about substantive change in the party’s direction as government. At the convention, very few of the Conservatives themselves talked about change beyond getting the public to vote for them again. That was Davis’ core message.
If you go back to the Abacus poll released during the campaign, you can see the results of the vote mirrored in the results. Davis was the choice of a plurality of the respondents and had the support of a higher percentage of those who had voted Conservative in 2011. Of the three candidates, all were the second choice behind the Liberal’s Dwight Ball as the choice for Premier. The key thing for Conservatives would be that Davis was closer to Ball than either of the other two.
Tom Marshall got lots of coverage for his little ego-stroking farewell in the tradition of his ego-stroked predecessors. The media advisory billed it as a thank-you to public servants and by jingo the local media reported it extensively and called it exactly that.
The one who organized the little show for him got a nice parting gift from her current boss. Marshall appointed Kathy Dunderdale’s former communications director, whom Tom kept around, to the most senior communications position in the provincial government on Friday. Milly Brown will be assistant secretary to cabinet for communications.
Brown succeeds another of Kathy Dunderdale’s former communications directors, Glenda Power, whom Kathy rewarded with a sweet little promotion in 2012.
There are a few things about this and the other goings-on the weekend that are worth mentioning because they are part of the pattern.
The official media advisory describes the event at Confederation Building this morning as an opportunity for Premier Tom Marshall to thank public servants “for the support provided by their work over his time as Minister and Premier.”
In reality, this is another one of the grandiose celebrations that have become the trademark of Conservative Premiers first elected in 2003. Danny Williams gave himself an enormous going-away show when he decided to leave office suddenly and unexpectedly in 2010. Kathy Dunderdale, Williams’ hand-picked successor, did much the same thing when she decided to leave office suddenly and unexpectedly earlier this year.
And now the third member of the Williams dynasty, his trusty and well-beloved right hand, is going to make a grand spectacle of his own in the main lobby of the Confederation Building on this the occasion of his imminent departure from office.
Without a doubt, this is the most interesting, entertaining and revealing thing to come out of the Conservative leadership campaign.
This could probably use a bit of writing and editing to tighten it up, but fundamentally, it’s the kind of thing that distinguishes John Ottenheimer in a positive way in the leadership campaign. Where Steve Kent came off looking a little desperate and nasty in his most recent debate appearance and Paul Davis has just flat out flat-lined, The Big O just gave everyone a real glimpse of himself. it’s the kind of thing that could swing some people his way, especially if it is part of a trend.
At last, there’s some sign of freshness and life in the Conservatives.
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The Conservatives will have a new leader this weekend.
Tom Marshall will resign as Premier not long after and the new guy will take over. Terry French announced last week that he will resign from cabinet and leave politics “later this month.” That fits too, because the new premier will need to swear in a new cabinet.
And at some point we’ll have an election
So when will that election happen?
Good question.
Danny Williams famously once said that at some point, “principle converts to cash.”
When his old friend Tom Marshall named a court house after Williams, the former Premier said this to reporters about his emotions: "I can't put a price on it."
He may not be able to convert his emotions to cash at this point, but how curious that he ties the two things together so effortlessly.
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Tom Marshall has a few days left as premier so he figured the best thing to do would be to name the courthouse in Corner Brook after Danny Williams, Marshall’s patron.
One of the reasons Marshall gave for his decision was that the province has not done as well as the time when Danny Williams was Premier.
Marshall couldn’t have found a more fitting legacy for Danny Williams if he had really tried. After all, The courthouse and Williams go together
Justice minister Terry French announced on Thursday that he’d be resigning in a couple of weeks time to take up a job in the private sector. French’s announcement looked like an effort to get in front of rumours that have been circulating for a while in some circles and that intensified in the past couple of days. It didn’t look like a well rehearsed or planned thing.
This was also the same day that Charlene Johnson confirmed she is quitting politics to go live in Brunei where her husband has been working for an undisclosed period of time. Johnson told reporters that she and her husband had actually decided over a year ago that she would leave politics. It’s still curious that with all the work- and health-related reasons Johnson offered for taking a year or more to leave actually, she couldn’t manage to hang on for just a couple of days or weeks longer.
In any event, we found out that Johnson really wasn’t leaving now for family reasons after all. There was some other reason for her to go, not that it matters at this point. What does matter is that she has gone. In a couple of weeks, Terry French will go and that means the provincial Conservatives will face three by-elections before Christmas.
When Kathy Dunderdale jumped or was flicked out of office in the first part of 2014, CRA boss Don Mills issued a release covering his company’s February 2014 self-promotion poll that claimed that Tom Marshall was doing wonders for the Conservative party because public satisfaction with the government was up in the poll.
“NL government satisfaction improves with new leader” said the headline. Unfortunately for Mills and CRA, that headline connected up two things - government satisfaction and new leader – in a way the poll data didn’t support. You see, satisfaction went up the quarter before that as well, with the old leader.
There’s just no connection between “satisfaction” and the public choice for best party to form government or for best premier. The Conservatives have strong satisfaction numbers and yet a clear majority of respondents want to vote for some other party to run the government and someone other than Tom to be Premier.
Skip ahead six months and Mills is at it again.
Finance minister Charlene Johnson will be leaving politics on Friday, September 5.
Under changes that Johnson and her colleagues made to the provincial election laws, that means the Premier - whoever it is at the time - will have to call a by-election no later than November 5 and have the by-election over by later than December 5.
He’ll also have to call one in the seat the current Premier Tom Marshall has said he will vacate as soon as is humanly possible after the Conservative leadership convention on the weekend of the 13th and 14th of September.
Johnson’s resignation really put the screws to her soon-to-be former colleagues. They went from having to fight one by-election – which they stand to lose unless its Ottenheimer the Premier – to having to fight two, pretty much at the same time. The problem is, the Conservatives don;t have the resources to fight two by-elections at opposite ends of the province on the same day. Unless Ottenheimer takes the leadership and runs in Humber East, the Conservatives are likely to lose both by-elections before Christmas.
So much for morale.
Meanwhile, the double by-election makes it even less likely the new Premier - whoever he is – will have a fall sitting of the House. He’s more likely to put off the sitting until the spring, then unveil a new throne speech and a budget before heading to an election, if the polls turn around. The official excuse won’t be about the by-elections: it’s more likely to be some guff about having to give the new cabinet (and an off-the-street appointee or two) the chance to come to grips with their new jobs.
Everyone will be waving to Charlene on Friday but in a few weeks time, they’ll be likely giving her back the finger she’s giving them this week, family reasons, and all.
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Three things:
1. The agreement to deal with the unfunded pension liability is a good thing for workers and for taxpayers. It deals with a substantial financial problem, which is the bonus for taxpayers, while preserving defined benefit pension plans for workers, which is the big win for them. The costs are relatively modest in terms of increased premiums, averaging, and early retirement age.
2. This is only part of the province’s financial problem. It’s the easiest one to deal with. The others – Muskrat Falls and the embedded unsustainable overspending – are much larger financially and it will fall to the next administration after the Conservatives will have to deal with. Coming to grips with them won’t be easy by any means.
At least Tom Marshall took care of the problem he created. In an interview with CBC on Tuesday, Marshall tried to blame others for the problem and claim credit for fixing it for himself, but as with pretty much everything a provincial Conservative politician says, nothing could be further from the truth.
Efforts to deal with the unfunded liability started in 1997. A decade later, the problem with less than half the size it is today. Instead of dealing with it then, Marshall began the program of fiscal mismanagement that ballooned the unfunded pension liability and added all the other financial mess that we’ll be cleaning up for decades to come.
3. The St. John’s Board of Trade, the Canadian Federation of Independent Business, and other similar lobby groups should be ashamed for providing false information to the public while pretending it was truthful and unbiased. Even in an election year, some politician would be doing a public service by issuing an appropriate tongue-lashing to the crop of bullshit-mongers running those two groups. The Board of Trade in particular has a lot to answer for. They have screwed taxpayers twice; first by being party to the Muskrat Falls mess and then by attacking public sector workers with falsehoods.
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Over at Uncle Gnarley, JM’s at it again with the first of a two-parter on Nalcor and its problems with forecasting for Muskrat Falls.
Nalcor assumed that they would get 830 megawatts of electricity out of Muskrat Falls in the winter months when demand is highest. That’s the number they gave everyone else and, as you can tell by the language Nalcor uses, it was an assumption, not a solid forecast. Now they say they should be able to get 673 MW at Soldier;s Pond from Muskrat Falls. That’s a difference of 157 MW, not an inconsiderable difference.
The story flopped out on Friday morning, broken by VOCM, based presumably on information that came directly from Charlene Johnson herself.
We can presume that because as the rest of the newsrooms caught up to VOCM, Johnson confirmed that the story was generally true. As CBC reported, “Johnson said she wants to leave because of family concerns. Her husband now works overseas. As well, she is the mother of a young daughter.”
The eulogies for her political career were quick and generally laudatory. Some picked up on the line from her commentary that she was leaving because of family considerations and pronounced it entirely right and just. Her husband was working out of the country and her young daughter was just five years old.
Good for you, girl, they clucked in paternalistic approval. Someone claimed out that Johnson had broken new ground by being the first politician to give birth while in office. She’d challenged the conventions, so the claim went, and forced the legislature to consider new rules about parental leave and responsibilities. The political panel assembled for this week’s On Point over at CBC all thanked Charlene for her years of service and wished her well.
All wonderful stuff, except that “family reasons” is an excuse so worn out from over-use and, as in Johnson’s case, misuse, such that it is not a cliche. “Family reasons” is beyond that. It is now a code word for something else.
And everyone knows it is bullshit.
