Politics and Disasters

Even to people not desperately in need of help in the wake of last year’s Hurricane Igor, it was pretty obvious  - at the time - the provincial government was more geared to stoking and stroking political egos than anything else.

By the second or third day, media reports made it obvious that people desperately needed help, the provincial government couldn’t deliver help and that assistance from the federal government was a mere telephone call away.

Only a blind partisan or cockeyed optimist thought otherwise and  - given the most recent developments - only a complete fool would claim otherwise today.

Information released to the Clarenville Packet under federal access to information laws documents the extent of the bungling inside the highest levels of the provincial government.  we aren’t talking about the front line workers or contractors.  We are talking senior bureaucrats,  their political masters and their political masters’ legion of fart catchers.

An intra-agency meeting of the Regional Emergency Management Coordinating Committee (REMCC) was held the afternoon of Sept. 21. Representatives of Public Safety Canada, Environment and National Defense departments, and the provincial government noted resources were on standby.

Captain Michael Pretty of the Canadian Forces offered to have 180 staff deployed in six to 10 hours and the HMSC St. John’s and two helicopters mobilized.

The Canadian Coast Guard had 36 generators (125-700 watt) and 45 water removal pumps, with operators, available.

The province also had access to the national emergency stockpile of food.

The province declined all these offers.

And so it went day after day.

Evidence mounted that the provincial government simply was completely incapable of responding and at still the politicians refused to make a simple request for aid.

While the federal agencies standing by to assist initially thought the provincial government had a grip on things, by mid morning on September 23 they had changed their minds.  The Packet quotes a federal situation report that power was out in wide areas, food supplies were running short and citizens were having to take matters into their own hands to deal with shortages of everything including medical supplies.

By the time provincial officials realised they were in the middle of a mess, they could not even draft a simple letter to request aid.  The Canadian Forces liaison officer had to include a letter in an e-mail, asking the officials to print it off, sign it and send it back.

It still took the provincial government 24 hours more to respond and even then it very consciously and deliberately restricted the aid to the barest minimum.  As the Packet reports:

The official RFA [request for assistance] was sent by the province to the federal Department of Public Safety at 2:07 p.m. on Friday, Sept. 24.

It asked, specifically, for “Sea King helicopters and the ship-based naval support necessary to maintain operation of said helicopters.

“For greater certainty, the province of Newfoundland and Labrador is requesting no other assistance from the DND at this time," the province stated in its request.

Thankfully, the federal officials ignored that last direction.

As Canadian Forces ships aircraft and personnel streamed into the province, the Prime Minister and Premier took a helicopter tour of a part of the region.

Danny Williams’ staff, meanwhile, had been co-ordinating a television appearance for the Premier all through the hurricane aftermath. 

Williams left the Prime Minister later in the afternoon of Friday, September 24 and drove to a downtown St. John’s school where a crew from “This hour has 22 minutes” and a classroom full of elementary school students waited to record a sketch due to air the following week.  The sketch featured Williams spewing some characteristic invective.

Just to illustrate the extent to which the provincial government’s bungling and miss-placed priorities were apparent at the time, take a look at posts your humble e-scribbler made last September.  The first came on September 23. There’s another on September 24.

The second, a week later, highlighted the way in which the government’s public statements seemed designed to stroke political egos rather than provide concrete information to people affected by the disaster.  It turned out to be an apt metaphor for what was going on inside the disaster response headquarters.

As the Packet notes, the first provincial assistance request to the federal government focused entirely on cash to pay compensation for victims.  At a time when thousands were still stranded, lacking power and with dwindling food supplies, the provincial authorities were busily handing out claims packets and looking to Uncle Ottawa for cash.  Meanwhile, the politicians were flying around staging photo ops for the evening news programs.

Danny Williams’ successor had a chance on Thursday to address the rather blindingly obvious shortcomings of the provincial government’s response.  Kathy Dunderdale said everything had been handled very well.  Not satisfied with the completely foolish response alone, Dunderdale went farther.  The delay in asking for federal help was merely to ensure the provincial officials had proper plans.  After all, said Dunderdale, all those soldiers, sailors and air crew would merely be an added burden on local communities already reeling from the disaster.

Yes, friends,  in Kathy’s world, help is actually a hindrance. In the face of such comments, it doesn’t matter if Dunderdale is genuinely so stupid that she spouts such nonsense or merely thinks the rest of us are even more stupid such that we’d believe such a thing.

What matters is that her remarks are  - without doubt or debate – utterly wrong.

They are stupid in a way that gives the word a new meaning.

The Canadian Forces came to Newfoundland last September with clothing, food, and shelter not only for themselves but for others as well. That is precisely why they came in the first place.  They stood ready from the beginning to come from the moment the storm hit.

Had Danny Williams and his officials asked for them on the first day only to send them home shortly after, the whole affair would have cost them nothing.  Under federal law, a provincial request for aid means that the federal government picks up the whole tab. 

In other words, there was no legitimate reason for any delay in asking for help. 

Yvonne Jones is right:  Kathy Dunderdale owes the people of the Bonavista and Burin peninsulas an apology for the mess regardless of whether it was caused by political egos or old-fashioned incompetence.  If Dunderdale had half a wit about her, she’d have acknowledged the problems and as the new Premier committed to right the wrongs.

Instead she told a monstrous whopper of a tale.  You could call it a lie, but frankly, you cannot be sure that Dunderdale actually knows that what she said is drivel.  Dunderdale might just be so inept that she must rely on briefing notes written by another incompetent.

And that is makes Dunderdale’s response all the worse.  The public can loathe the showboat and all his puffing last September.  He’s gone and no longer matters. She could have distanced herself from him safely and cleanly with no cost.

But Dunderdale didn’t. 

She turnered up, yet again.

Last fall, your humble e-scribbler noted that natural catastrophes sometimes turn out to foreshadow political disasters.  Well, no one could have foreseen the political disaster that is Premier Kathy Dunderdale.

Put Kathy Dunderdale’s demonstrated incompetence on Thursday over Hurricane Igor together with a series of events during her leadership (including her disastrous poll results in May) and you can bet she is going to get quite a surprise come the fall.

That is, Dunderdale will get a surprise in the fall unless a few of her more capable caucus mates decide to get rid of her before then for the good of the party and the province.

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PEI to study electricity supply

The Government of Prince Edward Island has appointed a five member commission to examine the province’s energy supply and pricing.

The commission — which includes Mike O'Brien, David Arsenault, Roger King, Gerald Morneau and Richard Hassard — will spend the next year looking at the future of P.E.I.'s electricity costs.

The province has some of the highest electricity rates in the country. Most of the power is purchased from outside resources — largely New Brunswick.

One potential source for the island is electricity from Muskrat Falls.

Speaking at a conference in Halifax on Tuesday, Bill Marshall, New Brunswick’s former electricity grid regulator said that Muskrat Falls could provide the Maritimes with a source of power cheaper than imports from New England.  It could also allow the region to shut down environmentally dirty thermal plants.

What Marshall didn’t say is that this is only possible because Nalcor and the provincial government plan to sell Muskrat Falls power to consumers outside Newfoundland and Labrador below the cost of producing electricity at Muskrat Falls. Consumers inside the province will pay the full cost of production plus guaranteed profits to Nalcor, Emera and Newfoundland Power.

According to Premier Kathy Dunderdale, Muskrat Falls power will cost 14.3 cents per kilowatt hour to produce, assuming the project meets all current cost projections.  That’s about four times the current wholesale cost of electricity in Ontario.

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Strengthening the Treasury

Consider the simple reality.

The current provincial administration has more money – without considering federal transfers – than any other government in the province’s history.

Most of the government’s money comes from oil.

Oil prices are at persistent record high levels.

There are fewer people in the province than in 30 years.

Yet the provincial government is going to be running record deficits for the next five years.

And if Wade Locke’s analysis is only partially true, the provincial government will run record deficits virtually every year for the next decade and more and build debt to unprecedented, unthinkable levels.

That’s all without factoring in the Muskrat Falls mega-debt project.

We got into this state because successive provincial administrations believed in overspending today and ignoring tomorrow.  Over the past seven years in particular, the scale of fundamental mismanagement has been breathtaking. Danny Williams and his associates haven’t done anything others haven’t done before. It’s just been astonishing that they have followed a reckless course despite all the experience in this province and elsewhere that warned against it.

To appreciate just how well people in this province understood what needed to be done compare the recently Alberta expert panel’s economic strategy with the the 1992 Strategic Economic Plan developed over the course of two and a half years of widespread consultation.  Allow for the difference in the two provinces and it is remarkable how similar the language is.  Both talk about the need to develop infrastructure, broaden the economic base, promote entrepreneurship and soundly manage provincial spending.

We’ll get to the economic policies in another post in this series.  For now let’s toss out some ideas that the provincial should implement in order to make sure the public treasury is definitely managed prudently to provide a prosperous and secure future.

There are at least three basic principles that underpin these ideas:

First, recognise that the role of the provincial government is to create a climate in which personal and collective innovation in the private sector can create economically and environmentally sustainable jobs.  Government just isn’t good at it and decades of experience in Newfoundland and Labrador shows it is a bad idea for government to become as heavily involved in the economy as it has become in the past seven years.

Second, recognise that while government spending can play an important role in balancing the ups and downs of the economic cycle, it is a very bad idea to make people dependent on public spending for their primary economic activity.  It didn’t work in the Soviet Union and it won’t work here.

Third, non-renewable resources won’t last forever.  As such, the government must – as a moral obligation to the people it serves – adopt strict policies that maximise the long term benefit from resource revenues.

Now the ideas:

1. Balance the province’s books every year. Mandate that all publicly owned entities follow the same policies.
2. Spend percentages of non-renewable resource revenues in one of four ways.  Put a percentage toward an annual spending increase but limit annual spending increases to the average rate of inflation for the previous three years.  If the Conservatives had merely increased annual spending increases to five percent – instead of 10% and more – they could still have stimulated the economy when they needed to,  built needed infrastructure and had provided for a steady and reliable growth despite the recession plus they would have avoided the looming debt and very real deficit problem. We’ll get to public sector issues – including wages - in another post.
3. Put another percentage into annual capital works spending that is based on a five year plan of maintenance and new construction.
4. Put another percentage into real debt reduction.   All the current administration has done so far is pay off any debt that came due anyway.  Some of that was already covered by money put aside in other years in something called sinking funds.  The current crowd haven’t made a meaningful cut to what the provincial government owes in total. That must change.
5. Put a fourth percentage of non-renewable revenues into a sovereign wealth fund as they have done in Norway.   Invested properly, this fund can provide new income for the provincial government every year long after the last barrel of oil is gone from the ground.
6. If non-renewable revenues skyrocket in any year, commit to apply the bonus to debt reduction and to the investment fund.
7. Review program spending every five years to make sure that programs meet a real need and are run as efficiently and as effectively as possible.  Scrap programs that are no longer relevant or that have outlived their usefulness.  At the same time…
8. Introduce new programs only if they can be funded within existing spending levels or if they can be financed with new money outside government.
9. Adopt the most demanding and transparent public audit and reporting policies in the world.  End the current misleading practice of reporting the public accounts on both a cash and accrual basis without explaining the difference to people.  The people deserve to know exactly how the government is handling their money.
10. Work with the federal government to eliminate duplication of services and increase co-operation as with economic development (e.g ACOA and ENL) and taxation (e.g. HST).

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The looming debt problem: update

Canadian household debt is at at record levels according to report by the Certified General Accountants Association.

The latest report adds a new twist to a discussion of the potential risks for consumer debt in this province discussed in a post last week.

Table 17 from the report shows provinces with  segments of the population considered to be highly vulnerable for debt growth and financial problems associated with heavy debt loads.

Another table (19 on page 74) shows levels of savings for Newfoundland and Labrador are relatively low.  At the same time, house prices increased at the highest average level of all provinces for the period 2007 to 2009. 

According to some thinking, the economic vulnerability represented by small savings could be offset by the relatively high level of equity that could be represented in the high house prices. That would theoretically make Newfoundland and Labrador no more risky than Alberta where the savings levels are the highest in the country while house prices have dropped lately.

Small problem.

House prices can shift dramatically while savings and investments tend to hold value over a long period of time.

The summary of that chapter’s conclusions also sounds a strong warning, even allowing that the conclusions are for the country as a whole, not just one province.  Incidentally, this is all one paragraph in the report.  The layout is changed here to make reading easier:

First, the positive signs of improving labour market conditions portrayed by the unemployment rate and the hiring intentions of firms may be deceptive. Labour market conditions continue to be fairly weak: the market’s ability to keep up with the increase in working age population recovers slowly (and even deteriorates in some of the provinces); the long-term unemployment rate continues to increase while the decline in the proportion of discouraged workers has not  yet materialized.   Weak labour market conditions may suppress the short-to-medium term growth in earnings while increased and more prolonged absence of employment may decrease individual’s life-long earnings.

Second, certain socio-economic groups (i.e. youth, workers with low educational attainment, lone parents, and self-employed) may be seen as vulnerable as they are faced with higher labour market stress due to elevated likelihood of longer-term unemployment and reduced employment options.

Third, individuals in vulnerable groups that reside in provinces having a weak labour market may be at a higher risk of elevated financial stress. 

Fourth, the recent recession and economic recovery brought only slight improvements to the conventional savings out of income; at the same time, accumulation of savings through wealth has been weakening in the past several years. Neither active savings from income, nor passive savings through equity are evenly distributed across provinces and households. The lack (or low levels) of active savings may jeopardize individual’s ability to pay and honour debt obligations in the future.

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Cross Sheila off your list

Remember the December deal and all the claims that the provincial Tories would all be standing for re-election, bar none?

Yeah, well you could take that one to the bank. Not.

As your humble e-scribbler told you a while ago there are a few Conservatives who will be cashing out rather than take another run at fattening the pension even more.

For the record, here’s the partial list from last week’s post:

The provincial Conservatives, for example, included a pledge to run again for all incumbents in the December deal that installed Kathy Dunderdale for a longer interim term than originally planned.

Before then, the slate of incumbents likely to quit included Dunderdale herself.  Finance minister Tom Marshall was reputedly headed for retirement, along with Sheila Osborne , Bob Ridgley*, Roger Fitzgerald, Dave Denine and a few others who were pensionable.

Michael Connors of NTV tweeted on Wednesday that St. John’s West incumbent Sheila Osborne is leaving.

Local rumblings also have it that minister of something or other Dave Denine will also leave a seat vacant should some Mount Pearl municipal councilor want to take a shot at a promotion and a bigger salary.

Can Sheila’s bro Tom Ridgley be far behind?  How about Fairity O’Brien and Harry Harding?

It could only be a matter of time. The Tories are a little over halfway through their list of nominations and some districts are conspicuous by their absence.

Stay tuned.

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* Corrected from Tom Ridgeley in original.

Spend ‘em if ya got ‘em: the Alberta version

In light of the suggestion the provincial government needs a blue ribbon panel of experts to decide how to safeguard the provincial economic future, take a look at what is going on in Alberta.

Conservative premier Ed Stelmach appointed just such a panel headed up by former federal cabinet minister David Emerson.

And, not surprisingly, the Stelmach government is likely to reject all of the panel’s suggestions. You can find an excellent discussion of it in a Jeff Simpson column from the end of May.

The Stelmach government’s decision is hardly surprising given the history of Conservative governments in Alberta since Peter Lougheed left office.  But it is also hardly surprising since the current Conservative administration in this province is basically following the same policy of spending that Alberta Conservatives have been following. 

What the locals haven’t adopted is the low tax, small government mantra of their western cousins.  They also don’t have the enormous oil and gas resources.

What they share with their Alberta relatives is the same fundamental attitudes that the panel identifies as being serious risks:  complacency and insularity.  As you can read on page 16 of the panel’s report:

Alberta has resources the world needs, but we cannot assume the world will beat a path to our door. Boom times can breed complacency. We can forget we are facing stiff global competition, and that our productivity lags that of competitor countries…

The report criticises the fixation with “selling stuff” to people.  There’s a parallel in this province, incidentally, in the drive to build expensive electricity projects at huge cost.  The current provincial government talks about it as a strategic investment but, in reality, it is nothing more than “selling stuff” to people.

What the Emerson panel described as a strategic approach is decidedly different:

We must take steps now to ensure we realize the full benefit of our energy resources and broaden our economic base in the new global context. As we look outward, we must expand our thinking beyond simply “selling stuff” to those who want it.

Now is the time to think more broadly about investing strategically in businesses in other parts of the world, attracting investment to Alberta, becoming part of the international networks that are creating exciting new knowledge and technology, and finding specialized niches we might fill in global supply networks. We must invest in helping Albertans engage with the world and prosper in a global economy, carefully considering how we use our current public wealth to build a legacy for future generations.

Interesting ideas; ideas worthy of further discussion, especially since they harken back to strategic ideas developed in this province almost two decades ago as the way we could move forward successfully in a highly competitive world.

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Building the fishery of the future

To look at the fishery in Newfoundland and Labrador is to see as clear an example as one may find of the fundamental bankruptcy of the sort of old-fashioned politics that has existed from the earliest of times and that persists right down to modern day Ottawa.

It is not business, as your humble e-scribbler has said before, as much as it is a Frankenstein experiment in social engineering.  Politician after politician after politician has used the fishery for his own political gain. The fishery is the heart and soul of the province, we are told.  Mention fishing and you will find politicians eager to display their passion to rise to its defence against all manner of assailants, most of them entirely fictional.

Is there fundamentally any difference between John Efford, say, and Ryan Cleary? 

Absolutely not.

Cleary with his crusade to find out what happened to the fish is merely the latest version of the old blow-hard Newfoundland politician.  Cleary’s already mounted his ass and headed off to find the missing fish.  If by some miracle, Cleary gets the crowd in Ottawa to fund the junket-commission he wants, he will look, inevitably, in all the places where the information isn’t.  If he doesn’t get the cash – as he won’t – Cleary will claim this is yet another example of Canadian exploitation of the poor benighted fisher folk who form the moral core of a long-suffering society blah blah blah blah.

Either way, Cleary will garner  column inch after sound bite from reporters at home who are always ready to spew the bullshit to the punters or from mainland scribes hard up for copy and who know as much about the eastern-most part of Canada as the average Hmong tribesman does and seem to care even less.

Passion is their thing.  After an early embarrassment and dismissal from cabinet, John Efford rebuilt his political profile as a fisheries crusader who was as full of it as Cleary is, or Tom Rideout or any of a dozen others.

For politicians, all this will be good to the last fish. Kathy Dunderdale is vowing to step into the latest problem at the Marystown plant so that fish are processed in the province and not sent outside where they can be turned into food or some such far more cost-effectively than they can be handled in places like Marystown. 

This is the same problem, incidentally, that Fishery Products International had with the same species and the same plant on a few years ago.  Kath should recall.  She and her colleagues decided the way to handle that was to smash FPI to bits.  The lucrative bits went to foreigners.  The headquarters building changed hands a couple of times within a year and now houses some lovely provincial government tenants. The other bits wound up going to Ocean Choice, the Torily-connected fish processing company that is now experiencing some sort of karmic retribution. 

What goes around, comes around, apparently and in a small province, it seems to pick up speed on the return trip.

So firmly entrenched is the political desire to interfere in the fishery that the current fisheries minister is refusing to accept a dramatic proposal from the fishermen and the processors to do the sorts of things people have been saying they needed to do for years. 

The current provincial government’s decision only further emphasises the extent to which the fishery is controlled by people who have no business in the business.

The solution is to turn control of the industry over to the only people who can decide for themselves how best to run it:  processors and harvesters.

Not surprisingly, therefore, the first bold proposal to reform the fishery is for the provincial government to accept the recent fisheries reform proposal without further delay.

The second idea is to eliminate all subsidies to the industry within two years. They drain the provincial treasury and serve only to prop up businesses that otherwise wouldn’t make it.

The third idea is for the provincial government to abolish processing licenses with the elaborate red tape restrictions that go with it.  The current system helps to keep too many people and too many plants working in an industry featuring low wages, limited capital for investment and with no prospect that new workers will enter the industry to keep it going.

Instead, license processors as businesses under occupational health and safety rules or anything similar legislation. Beyond that?  Nothing. Let processors open plants, close plants or reorganize plants as they see fit based on the business’ finances.  If a plant goes bust, then it goes bust. 

The end result will be fewer plants but fewer plants is exactly what the industry needs.  Where those plants will be and how many that will exist are not things anybody can or should predict.  What will emerge at the end of the change will be stronger companies that are more likely to survive in a highly competitive global market.  In the end there might only be one big company – looking, not surprisingly like FPI – and a bunch of small niche companies.  There could be a couple of bigger, integrated operations but the people in the industry will be able to make a decent living from their work and their industry will be more attractive than the current mess is.

Fish harvesting also needs an overhaul.

The fourth idea is to establish a system of fish auctions using internationally recognised grading systems would improve quality and the cash that fishermen get for their landings.

Processors from any province would be required to bid for landings at the auction sites in a daily competition. Alternately, processors could operate their own fleets or make supply contracts with harvesters.  The two systems could operate side-by-side but harvesters would have a choice. 

Increased competition would also ensure they wouldn’t be victimised in a system like the old one where they had no choice but sell to the handful of locals in a closed system. It would also give fishermen greater control over their own individual operations.

Changes to the harvesting side of the industry will need federal involvement, but federal politicians and bureaucrats would have good reason to support a system that reduces the political and financial headaches of the current system.

Fish harvesting businesses would also profit by the fifth idea, the elimination of the byzantine system of gear restrictions and vessel size restrictions that serve no useful purpose in a modern industry that is run as an industry. “Buddying-up”  - having several licenses on one boat – is an example of how people in the industry are already trying to make sensible changes to meet the economic pressures of the industry.  They are limited in how far they can go, however, by the inertia that keeps in place a system of rules that may have worked decades ago but that simply make no sense any more.

Something that may have worked once but that no longer makes any sense:  that is really the tale of the entire fishing industry in Newfoundland and Labrador, if not all of Atlantic Canada.

To build the fishery of the future, we have to let go of ideas that simply make no sense any more.

We must turn the industry over to the people who are trying to make a living in it.

They know best what to do.

We just need to give them a chance.

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Updated Bonus Idea: Dismantling the Stalinist provincial bureaucracy that is stifling the fishery at the provincial level will allow the fisheries department to focus on new priorities. 

The biggest of these would be encouraging aquaculture .

The next biggest would helping to promote a new identity for local seafood based on quality.  This would be a key part of ensuring the future fishery is internationally competitive.

Titanic records available from the UK National Archives

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Belize wants to buy out Fortis interest in Belize power company

From Fortis:

“The Government of Belize (the "Government") issued a media release on Friday, June 10, 2011 announcing the Government's interest, "...in purchasing majority shares in BEL so as to assume control of the company." No purchase proposal has been received by Fortis Inc. ("Fortis" or the "Corporation") (TSX:FTS).

Fortis holds an approximate 70% ownership interest in BEL, an integrated electric utility and the principal distributor in Belize, Central America, following investment at the invitation of the Government in 1999. In addition to its investment in BEL, Fortis owns Belize Electric Company Limited ("BECOL"), a non-regulated hydroelectric generation business that operates three hydroelectric generating facilities in Belize.

In June 2008 the Public Utilities Commission of Belize ("PUC") issued a rate order that has had a significant negative impact on the financial condition and operations of BEL. The order effectively disallowed the recovery of previously incurred fuel and purchased power costs in customer rates and set customer rates at a level that does not allow BEL to earn a fair and reasonable return. BEL appealed the PUC rate order to the Supreme Court of Belize. On March 15, 2011, the court rendered its judgment dismissing BEL's application and finding that, among other things, the generally accepted concept of Good Utility Practice is not applicable in Belize. BEL has appealed this judgment to the Court of Appeal of Belize; however, a hearing is not expected until the first quarter of 2012. On May 16, 2011, the Supreme Court of Belize granted BEL's application to enjoin the PUC from engaging in any rate making proceedings or taking any enforcement or penal actions against BEL pending the appeal of its judgment. BEL has been in default of covenants under its long-term lending agreements since 2008 and has had no access to credit during this period.

As at March 31, 2011, the assets of BEL represented less than 2% of the total assets of Fortis; the combined assets of BEL and BECOL represented approximately 3% of the total assets of Fortis.”

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15 ideas (and more) – Setting the Table

Our economic vision for Newfoundland and Labrador is that of an enterprising, educated, distinctive and prosperous people working together to create a competitive economy based on innovation, creativity, productivity and quality.

Strategic Economic Plan, 1992

Our social vision for Newfoundland and Labrador is of a sharing society which balances its economic and social interests, cares for its disadvantaged, nurtures its human and physical environment, celebrates its quality of life and traditional values of individual respect and community responsibility and provides opportunities for personal and collective achievement.

Strategic Social Plan Consultation Paper, 1995

 

Within a mere two decades, Newfoundland and Labrador transformed almost two centuries of economic backwardness into unprecedented growth.

And yet, as we enter the second decade of the 21st century, a number of factors, some identified in the early 1990s, threaten to rob Newfoundlanders and Labradorians of the bright future they worked to achieve through careful planning, steady work, and a steely determination to endure.

Public sector debt remains at record levels.  Rather than reduce debt, the current Conservative administration plans to increase the debt burden still further by building an economically unsound megaproject.  What’s more, the most recent economic forecast predicts that the current administration’s policies could triple the debt within a decade.  That is on top of the burden from the  Muskrat Falls megaproject.

Changes in the province’s population, forecast in the early 1990s, have started to create pressure for new government spending and more government spending.  Just paying the interest on the growing debt will rob money that could be helping to pay for those new services.

The highly competitive global economy that has emerged in the past 20 years, coupled with fall-out from the recent recession, will demand even greater inventiveness if businesses in Newfoundland and Labrador will meet the challenges these changes present. 

Yet, over the past decade government policy has fostered greater social and business dependence on government hand-outs.  The result is a fragile economy that will grow less robust and more susceptible to set-backs.

The answer to these challenges can be found in the principles that lay at the heart of the 1992 Strategic Economic Plan: 

• We must foster a change in people.  We must renew genuine pride, self-reliance and entrepreneurship. We must once more become outward-looking, enterprising, educated and innovative. 
• We must change government.   Our people do not need saviours or demigods.  They can run their own affairs.  We must introduce fundamental democratic reforms.  Decisions about education, health and economic development must be made closer to the people directly affected by them. The role of government is to create an environment in which the private sector can develop economically and environmentally sustainable  businesses.
• We must change relationships. We must replace the chaotic, secretive and highly centralised government of the past decade, with mature, professional and open government based on sound long-term planning and a genuine understanding of the province’s long-term interests.  Beyond that, we must forge new relationships among governments, business, labour, academia and community groups of the sort envisioned two decades ago. We must build a strong relationship between the federal and provincial governments in order to deliver government services as efficiently and effectively as possible while ensuring that the people who pay for those services can hold the right government to account for what they do.

The ideas that will follow in posts over the coming days and weeks are nothing more than the starting point for discussion.

Only through vigorous, free-wheeling public debate can we build a mutual understanding among all the people of the province on both the necessity of change and of the specific changes themselves.

Change is not a luxury.

Change is not merely possible.

Change is essential.

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Next:  Building the Fishery of the Future

Nalcor negotiating Muskrat transmission with Hydro-Quebec

Nalcor is currently trying to strike a deal with Hydro-Quebec on wheeling power through the province to other markets

Read all about it in the Toronto Star.

Newfoundland and Quebec are now trying to negotiate a deal in which Nalcor could get a right of way to move its power through Quebec, directly to Ontario.

It’s buried in an article in which Nalcor chief executive Ed Martin tries to play up the Muskrat project as being cost competitive.

Sounds a bit like the 1964 ploy is still on the go.  That’s the one where Smallwood talked up the Maritime route as a way to get a deal with Quebec, the real preferred option.

Makes sense:  after all, despite all the hysterics and the bullshite to distract the media and the punters, Danny Williams tried consistently via secret talks to try and get Hydro-Quebec to get involved in the Lower Churchill. Local media still haven’t reported that story almost two full years after Kathy Dunderdale blurted it out in public. 

Of course, the Star also doesn’t tell its readers that they would be getting power heavily discounted compared to the price Martin will force on the good taxpayers of Newfoundland and Labrador.

The article notes that Ontario currently pays a wholesale price of 3.15 cents per kilowatt hour for electricity.  Muskrat will cost Newfoundlanders 14.3 cents per Kwh according to current estimates.

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Offshore board recommends mediator or panel review for Old Harry drilling proposal

The  Canada-Newfoundland and Labrador Offshore Petroleum Board issued the following news release on Monday:

“The Canada-Newfoundland and Labrador Offshore Petroleum Board
(C-NLOPB), in its role as Responsible Authority pursuant to the Canadian Environmental Assessment Act (CEAA), has recommended to the Federal Minister of the Environment, the Honourable Peter Kent, that the proposal by Corridor Resources Inc. to drill a petroleum exploration well on its Exploration Licence (EL) 1105, in the Newfoundland and Labrador Offshore Area in the Gulf of St. Lawrence, be referred to a mediator or a review panel.

“In the aftermath of the blowout in the Gulf of Mexico, Canadians are particularly sensitive to the risks associated with offshore oil exploration drilling. This proposed well is in an area where there has been little public experience with offshore drilling, and it has attracted an especially high level of concern. These concerns have been expressed clearly to the C-NLOPB and we are of the opinion that a level of environmental assessment beyond a screening report is warranted,” said Max Ruelokke, C-NLOPB Chair and CEO.

On February 21, 2011, Corridor Resources Inc. filed a Project Description pursuant to the CEAA respecting its plans to drill an exploration well on EL 1105. The C-NLOPB is the Responsible Authority respecting the project since its authorization is required before the project may be carried out. Natural Resources Canada, Environment Canada, Fisheries and Oceans Canada, and the Department of National Defence indicated that they were in possession of relevant specialist or expert information or knowledge and would contribute this to the environmental assessment of the project.

On February 25, 2011, the Board published a draft scoping document respecting the assessment and invited the submission of public comments no later than March 28, 2011. The solicitation of public comments on the draft scoping document resulted in the submission of over 50 comments from individual citizens, fish harvesting groups, elected municipal government representatives, First Nations, and environmental advocacy groups. The C-NLOPB has posted all comments on its website at http://www.cnlopb.nl.ca/environment/corridorresinc.shtml.

Under the legislation, exploration wells normally require a screening level of assessment. However, paragraph 25(b) of the CEAA, enables a Responsible Authority to recommend that a proposed project be reviewed by a mediator or panel if it believes the project may cause significant adverse environmental effects, or if public concerns warrant this level of review.

Based on information available to date, neither the C-NLOPB nor the expert departments have identified evidence indicating that the project is likely to cause significant adverse environmental effects. However, the public commentary received to date is of a level and nature greater than any the C-NLOPB has received respecting environmental aspects of a proposed exploration or production project in its 26-year history. The Board believes that this level of concern warrants such a recommendation.

Letter to Honourable Peter Kent, Minister of the Environment, June 3, 2011”

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15 ideas (and more) for a stronger Newfoundland and Labrador – Introduction

In her first speech to the House of Assembly as Premier – which she and her staff erroneously and arrogantly like to call her inaugural speech – Kathy Dunderdale claimed that, since 2003, she and her party had “demonstrated an unwavering commitment to fiscal responsibility”.

The words turned up again in the Speech from the Throne and found their way into the finance minister’s budget speech for 2011.

There was nothing surprising about this.

The claim of fiscal responsibility, of having transformed the province’s finances from catastrophe to prosperity is the one thing that the provincial Conservatives claim as their singular achievement since taking power.

Last week the people of Newfoundland and Labrador learned that  - in the words of a famous politician – nothing could be further from the truth.

Through the 1980s and early 1990s successive Liberal and Conservative administrations managed to steer the provincial government successfully through treacherous financial times.  They laid firm foundations for future prosperity based on a diversified economy.  Included in that diversified economy was supposed to be an oil and gas industry that included local companies capitalising on local knowledge and experience to compete globally.

“One day the sun will shine,” Conservative Brian Peckford said, “and have not will be no more.”

“I can’t wait for the day”, said Liberal Clyde Wells less than a decade later, ”when we don’t get a penny” in federal hand-outs.

Last week, Memorial University economist Wade Locke described a future for Newfoundland and Labrador that is far bleaker than anything that either Wells or Peckford faced.  As the Telegram reported:

Unless something changes, Locke said the government’s debt could be up to $10 billion within the next 10 years. By 2020, he said the government could run a $1.6 billion deficit on the provincial budget.

“If we don’t start dealing with it, it will become quickly unmanageable,” he told reporters after the event.

The situation is far bleaker because the government is in this state despite having unprecedented income. It is far bleaker because the problem comes not as the result of global economic circumstances or forces beyond anyone’s control.  The financial mess is directly the result of actions taken by the provincial government since 2003.

Regular readers will know the story all too well.  Your humble e-scribbler first raised concerns in 2006 and each year after that as concerns grew.  Telegram editor Russell Wangersky’s column this weekend reminded everyone of his own comments over the years. As Wangersky notes, the province’s auditor general has also warned about the current administration’s spending. So too did former cabinet minister Paul Oram and at least one of the provincial government’s bond rating agencies.

With their one claim to fame now shown to be a complete fraud, the provincial Conservatives have even more problems to worry about as they head toward this fall’s general election.  The truth about their record of financial irresponsibility only compounds their dwindling public support.  Inevitably it will only add to public unease at the Conservative plan to increase the public debt beyond what Locke has forecast and at the same time saddle domestic electricity consumers with ever-increasing electricity prices while selling cheap power outside the province.

Even if the Conservatives could admit the province faces a financial mess of their making, they would be hard-pressed to do anything about it.  Election years are never good years for an incumbent government to face problems.  What’s more, Kathy Dunderdale remains a place-holder leader put in place via a backroom deal to avoid a possibly contentious leadership contest during an election year.  If voters re-elect the Conservatives under Dunderdale, they can bet on a new Premier within four years.

For their part, the New Democrats won’t be promising to do anything to clean up the mess. Federation of labour president Lana Payne already dismissed Locke’s analysis out of hand.  With the province’s labour unions taking a reactionary position, New Democratic Party leader Lorraine Michael will follow suit, first rejecting Locke’s assessment and most likely proposing policies that will make the bad situation that much worse.

While the Liberals under Yvonne Jones were quick to endorse Locke’s idea of a task force to study appropriate financial policies, it still isn’t clear what sorts of policy ideas the Liberal party will offer heading into the fall election.  They will likely be tempted to follow along with the others and offer ideas that look like what everyone else is talking about.

It wouldn’t be the first time.  Political parties in Newfoundland and Labrador seldom offer bold and innovative thinking.  They tend to rely on the hackneyed - blaming Ottawa in one way or another is a popular distraction – or the grandiosely ridiculous like Danny Williams 2003 obsession with an economically foolish stunnel to the mainland.

This post is the start of a series on some options for the future of Newfoundland and Labrador.  The next post will set the table, as it were, by describing the domestic, national and international environment in which the province must operate. Some of that will be a quick summary of other posts.  Some of that will be new.

After that, successive posts will explore a series of ideas for change.  They cover the economy,  government and society. They are offered to stimulate further discussion.

Some of you may notice that the series goes back to one started in 2008.  While the series never got beyond the first post,  the ideas didn’t die. Now that more people are seeing the situation as it is, perhaps this is a better time to talk about options and ideas.

The future is not bleak.

The future is ripe with opportunity.

We just have to be open to taking the first step toward a future that works.

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Muskrat Falls timelines “unlikely to be achieved”: external review

An external expert review of the Muskrat Falls project warned Nalcor and the provincial government that the project’s schedule is unrealistic, according to documents obtained by Canadian Press.

As Canadian Press reported on Sunday:

Provincial Crown corporation Nalcor Energy has set next October as the timeline to complete 60 to 70 per cent of required engineering and have local staff in place ahead of ground-breaking next spring in Labrador.

"Experience suggests it is unlikely this can be achieved," says the review, released by Nalcor Energy.

"If it is not, the implementation of the contract strategy gets off to a bad start based on a pattern of unrealistic objectives."

The expert panel – whose members have international experience in megaproject design, planning and risk management – also noted concerns about on-site safety.  Nalcor chief executive Ed Martin agreed that local construction projects don’t compare well to international experience in site safety. 

CP quotes Martin:

""Compared to some other parts of the world, we don't compare that well," he said in an interview at his office in St. John's.

That's a fact, so we have to improve on that."

Martin also acknowledged the project is already behind schedule although he claimed it was a matter of weeks and not months.

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Separated at birth: Rosebud edition

The One (above)  and The Other (below).

 

 

But which one was fictional?

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Traffic that doesn’t slam into houses

Here’s what Bond Papers readers found most interesting for the week June 6 to 10, 2011:

1. Dunderdale disapproval doubles; Tory vote drop to 44%
2. Unite the Left
3. Will bad Tory polls change candidate slates?
4. Nightmare on Muskrat Falls
5. Harris Centre:  a prosperity plan for Newfoundland and Labrador
6. The looming debt problem
7. The perils of polling stories
8. Quentin Jurgens he ain’t
9. Williams ex-chief of staff lands at Muskrat project
10. Mythbusting;  not Kari but still worth the look

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Chumba-dumba

Leave to the ever charming labradore to remind everyone that the financial mess Danny Williams left behind is actually something he made clear he would do in 2008.

The quote is one your humble e-scribbler completely forgot about but reading now three years later it is the kind of thing that makes chills run up and down your spine:

As you pay down the debt it also gives you the ability then to bring it back up. It’s no different than if you paid down your line of credit at the bank or pay off your car loan, it gives you the ability to go borrow a little more, take a little more if you need it. So, that money will be used, for example, that, that surplus that’s actually going on the debt, though, will also be used to fund, you know, the settlements with the unions. I think the public sector settlements are going to cost us in the range of a half-billion dollars a year forever. So, that money will sort of go, go towards the public sector workers, which is, which is good, though, from an economic perspective because now we have this whole new infusion of eight percent and then four, four, and four into the economy and that’ll help drive our own economy, as well.

You pay debt down and then rack it up again.  You’re never gonna pay it down.  That riff is shamelessly pirated from labradore but you have to acknowledge humour and genius wrapped into one.

But while he stayed on the debt thingy and noted that the public sector union’s benefits would only be a third of the total $37 billion Wade Locke talked about, there’s another angle to that which you can see if you want to open your eyes to it.

So much of what is driving the economy in the St. John’s region over the past seven years has been public sector spending.  That what an integral part of Williams’ political plan and one of the ways he helped create the illusion of some sort of economic miracle.

As we’ve seen this past week, these financial chickens are coming home to roost.  The fundamental political fraud that lay as the foundation of Williams’ political fortune is crumbling.

No wonder he practically ran from the Premier’s Office last Christmas talking about how it was important to know when to leave.

Instead of running the province into the ground he can now have someone organize rallies of school children at a local hockey rink so they can chant his name just like the old days of local politics.

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Political impotence and the little blue pills

Fish minister Clyde “The Finger” Jackman is going to fight to save a local coast guard co-ordination centre and its dozen jobs.

Well, that’s what the torqued CBC headline says. 

The provincial government he’s a part of has a financial mess of its own creation on its hands and no plan to deal with it and Jackman has been the major obstacle to serious fisheries reform in the province but that’s another issue.

But why does Jackman have to fight for anything at all with the federal Conservatives under Stephen Harper?

After all Clyde and all his provincial Conservative buddies campaigned vigorously for the federal Conservatives in the recent general election.  Well, okay some campaigned more vigorously than others but you get the idea. 

They shouldn’t have to do anything but pick up the phone and ask their friends to fix things back up again.
Jackman’s help in the last federal election apparently counted for exactly jack-shite.  He met with his federal counterpart, uttered a few choice words and left empty-handed, much like those people in the fishery who worked hard, gave Jackman a report on restructuring and then watched the minister fling it back in their faces for no good reason.

That’s likely to be as effective as what CBC’s report quotes as Jackman’s advice to other seriously interested in this issue:

"I've encouraged people, you know, to write to the minister to do what they have to get their points across," said Jackman.

Much like the fisheries reform thingy.

But why should anyone have to do anything?  Kathy Dunderdale can just call her friend Stephen Harper and the whole thing will be solved.  After all, the Premier made her choice, is proud of her choice and thinks she did a wonderful job even if the overwhelming majority of voters – including rafts of her own supporters – went with another choice.

Kath and her Krew are rapidly becoming the poster children for political impotence.

Not the cure for it mind you.

Just fine examples of political dysfunction…

And of course how this bunch of little blue pills can’t cure it.

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Harris Centre economic forum: the media coverage

The Telegram’s James Macleod had a decent front page summary of the Harris Centre’s discussion of economic issues facing the province and the subsequent discussion.

The CBC has a super short version that is already bumped off the front page of its website in favour of stories like one on a baby bear in Terra Nova park, a batch of fake 20s making the rounds on the northeast Avalon and an earth-shattering story about two idiots who stole metal for scrap and found out it was worth more than they thought when they wound up in court for the theft.  Talk about if it bleeds, leads.

Anyway, for those in tune with evidently less important issues – how does an multi-billion dollar economic mess compare to two scrap metal dorks? -  Wade Locke’s presentation isn’t on line yet but here is the slide likely to be causing a few stomach’s to turn in knots. 

It’s Locke’s deficit forecast based on current trends and current government policy:

Within a decade the current account deficit will be running at record levels if the current administration carries on with its policies. We can expect more of the same from the incumbents since finance minister Tom Marshall is already trying to pretend that the mess doesn’t exist or that he has things under control. 

Unfortunately for the rest of us,  it does and he doesn’t.

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From battalions to no cuts: how Connie promises have changed

Once upon a time, the federal Conservatives promised the good people of Happy Valley-Goose bay that their airport would once again be the scene of major military activity. 

Battalions of infantry soldiers and fleets of unmanned flying contraptions., none of which appeared despite promises and assurances and wild claims from everyone including the Pavement Putin of the Permafrost that these things were on the way.

Fast forward to a Conservative majority, including Peter Penashue as the member for Labrador and the man with a federal cabinet seat.

Now Penashue is merely assuring the people of Labrador there’ll be no more cuts at the Goose Bay base.

As Voice of the Cabinet Minister reported Penashue’s speech to a St. John’s Rotary club:

There will be no cuts to 5-Wing Goose Bay. So says the federal
minister responsible for Newfoundland and Labrador, Peter Penashue. He says the federal defence minister, Peter MacKay, told him there will
be no change this year.

But here’s the thing people in Labrador might ponder:  is that promise of no cuts as reliable as the promise of infinite riches?

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Will bad Tory polls change candidate slates?

Public opinion polls showing dramatic declines in provincial Conservative support might bring some changes in the slate of candidates.

The provincial Conservatives, for example, included a pledge to run again for all incumbents in the December deal that installed Kathy Dunderdale for a longer interim term than originally planned.

Before then, the slate of incumbents likely to quit included Dunderdale herself.  Finance minister Tom Marshall was reputedly headed for retirement, along with Sheila Osborne , Bob Ridgley*, Roger Fitzgerald, Dave Denine and a few others who were pensionable.

So far only Fitzgerald seems to be headed for the gate.  CBC’s David Cochrane tweeted on Wednesday that Ron Ellsworth has decided he won’t be running this fall.  He was reportedly looking at a challenge to incumbent Ed Buckingham in St. John’s East.  Buckingham didn’t support the Dunderdale campaign for the federal Conservatives and some provincial Conservatives thought they could get some support for a challenge to an otherwise strong incumbent. 

Sadly for her, Dunderdale’s gambit blew up in her face leaving Buckingham politically stronger.  Not surprisingly the wannabes are backing off.

Of course that doesn’t necessarily mean Ellsworth and other ambitious Conservatives wouldn’t leap forward if a seat opened up somewhere else.

That’s where the polls come in.  As support for Dunderdale’s Conservatives drops, some of the older hands may change their minds on the deal and take a comfortable retirement package before October. That could open up St. John’s North, for example, currently held by Bob Ridgley and another likely home for Ron Ellsworth.

Ditto St. John’s West where Sheila Osborne has been reportedly ready for retirement since 2007.  A couple of names popped up this past week of Tories looking at challenging Osborne for the nod – or ideally – just taking a run to replace her if she decides to gracefully walk away to look after the grandkids.

Ass for the other parties, people who had already taken a pass might change their minds.  Popular St. John’s councilor Sheilagh O’Leary has been rumoured to be resisting New Democrat efforts to recruit her as a challenger to Ed Buckingham in St. John’s East.  Will the recent CRA poll weaken her resolve to stay put or will it  give O’Leary the hope she might be able to trade up to a seat on the Hill instead of at Tammany on Gower?

Meanwhile, for the Liberals, Danny Dumaresque seems to looking beyond Menihek in Labrador to a seat on the island.  One version has Dumaresque tackling Lewisporte’s Conservative incumbent Wade Verge come October.

That’s the thing about polls.  Lots of people make decisions based on what they think they say.  Kathy Dunderdale should know that, having worked so closely with ace poll-follower Danny Williams for so long. 

When the polls were looking rosy for the Tories, ambitious people were content to sit on the sidelines. 

Now with the scent of blood in the air, they might not sit still much longer.  After all, if you look at the actual CRA numbers – not the adulterated one’s the company feeds reporters – you can see why Kathy Dunderdale looked and sounded so stressed when she spoke to reporters on Tuesday.

Shave off 10 points from CRA’s party choice number come August and the Tories are at 34%.  Even if you split that vote evenly between the two opposition parties, the swings could put more and more seats across the province in play.  Hand the whole 10% to one opposition party or the other and things look even darker for Dunderdale’s Conservatives. And that would be with a mere month and a bit to go before polling day.

Don’t be surprised if there are more than a few surprises in the days and weeks ahead.

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* Corrected from “Tom” in the original

The looming debt problem

The government’s favourite economist is sounding alarm bells about the provincial government’s financial health.  The finance minister, on a local talk radio program, sounding stressed as more and more people start talking about what has been obvious to readers of this corner for some years now:  the provincial government is in a financial jam and the current crowd running the place have no idea what to do about it. 

Well, if they do have an idea, they have no intention of doing anything, at least within the next four or five years.

Part of the charade they’ve been relying on the past few years is the perception that not only are happy days here but they aren’t ever going to leave.  In some years, the finance minister hasn’t been above presenting completely laughable forecasts during the Christmas season to keep consumer spending going through one of the most tax-rich seasons of the year.

Just as the proverbial chickens are coming home to roost in Tom Marshall’s office, it may not be too much longer before a fewer fowl start fouling other bits of the province.

Last week local news media mentioned a report on consumer debt.  Newfoundland and Labrador saw the largest jump in the country last year – along with Quebec – at 7.8%.  As CBC reported, the average consumer in the province owes $23, 372. That doesn’t include household mortgages.

Flip back to March and you’ll find a red flag on that issue. It was a report by the Bank of Montreal that warned Canada’s housing prices were getting perilously close to a “correction”: especially in places where prices were outstripping incomes or if inflation rates changed rapidly.

Marketwatch.com’s Bill Mann summarised it this way:

The cautionary Bank of Montreal report  says average home resale prices compared with personal incomes are 14 per cent above the long-run trend, up from last summer, although still below the 21-per-cent peak that preceded the 1989 crash.

But that is not the case in all Canadian real-estate markets. Five provinces are currently in the danger zone, led by Saskatchewan, where the ratio is 39 per cent above historic norms. That province has a booming commodities industry, centered around potash and oil.

Also well above the long-run levels is Newfoundland, 34 per cent higher; British Columbia and Manitoba, 31 per cent, and Quebec, 23 per cent above.

Overall in the province, debt servicing costs are the lowest in the country according to the most recent report from the Certified General Accountants Association of Canada. But that doesn’t mean there aren’t pockets of risk.  The CGAA also reported that incomes in the province fell short of previous growth:  problem is the year they are referring to isn’t clear, even though the report was issued in 2010.

Just thinking about it for a second, one could easily imagine there are a couple of potential hot spots in the province.  The northeast Avalon and western Labrador are experiencing particularly strong growth and that’s where you’d be more likely to see heavy debt loads and high debt to income ratios.

Not surprisingly, personal debt is one of three issues Bank of Canada deputy governor Jean Boisvin, right, highlighted in a speech in March that Canadians needed to watch as the country emerged from the global recession:

Let us start with household debt. Since the beginning of the recovery, household credit has increased at twice the rate of personal disposable income. In the autumn of 2010, Canadian household debt climbed to an unprecedented level of 147 per cent of disposable income (Chart 7).

The relatively healthy financial condition of Canadian households at the beginning of the “Great” Recession helped the Canadian economy to better withstand the initial shocks of the crisis. However, going forward, it is essential to maintain the necessary room to manoeuvre to keep household spending on a viable path. This leads us to believe that the rate of household spending will more closely correspond to future earnings, and certain signs to that effect have already been observed.

Here’s Chart 7 from the speech:

The other two issues were international competitiveness and productivity and investment.

There’s a parallel between the condition of the provincial government’s books and the household accounts in some areas of the province. Just as the provincial government has grown increasing susceptible to small shifts in economic circumstances, so too may more and more households in the province be vulnerable to shifts in the provincial economy.

If the province’s politicians scarcely recognise their own financial problems, it makes you wonder if they might be aware of the issues looming for consumers in the province.

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Locke warns of financial problems

Wade Locke’s been making the rounds of local media in advance of his talk tonight at the Harris Centre of Memorial University.  Your humble e-scribbler posted the details of it on Monday.

Some quick observations on this Telegram version:

1. There is nothing new in Locke’s presentation that hasn’t been in the public domain  - in some cases – for a couple of decades.
2. That said, the fact that the government’s favourite economist is now undermining the economist’s favourite government might be enough to get these issues into wider discussion.
3. Once that happens it should be fairly obvious the current crowd have helped shape the current mess and their intention is to make a bad situation even worse.
4. Locke’s solution – we need a plan – is a penetrating insight into the obvious. The current crowd got us into this mess precisely because they had no plan.
5. Unfortunately, there’s no sign of any pressure to create a plan in the near term.
6. Politicians – like some of the people on the panel with Locke tonight - will continue to deny there’s anything here that needs attention.  others, like the current administration will talk about doing something constructive and then either do nothing or make the situation worse.
7. There’s no sign any of the political parties in the province are ready to deal with the provincial government’s financial mess.

Put all that together with the volatile political environment and you have the potential for one of the most dramatic political years in the province’s history.

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The perils of polling stories

Not surprisingly, local media reports of Corporate Research Associates’ most recent quarterly poll got the news spectacularly wrong.

For example, the Telegram reported that “[s]upport for the provincial Conservatives has dropped to 57 per cent of those polled…”.

That’s not true.  The CRA release tells you that 57% of decided respondents to their poll felt that way.  There’s a difference between the people they polled and the people who they polled who made a choice about which party they’d support.

Meanwhile, CBC correctly described the party support numbers as being about decided respondents but for some reason they felt the need to add these gratuitous and unfounded editorial interpretations into their story:

The poll suggests the NDP could pose a considerable challenge to the Liberals in the Opposition benches, as the Oct. 11 general election draws closer.

…

Voters remain comparatively cool to Liberal Leader Yvonne Jones, who had an approval rating of 16 per cent, down from 18 per cent in March.

NDP Leader Lorraine Michael, by contrast, saw her approval jump from five per cent to 14 per cent.

So how does this happen? 

Well, for starters, CRA reports numbers as a share of decided responses, not all responses.    CRA doesn’t  explain what that means and reporters and editors typically wouldn’t know if it was fit to eat.  As a result the reports go off into the trees.  Not their fault, by the way.  The obligation is on CRA to accurately present its own information and ensure people know what it means.

Professional pollsters in the Untied States specifically reject this approach because it creates a false impression of what the poll found.  Not only does it artificially inflate some results, it actually discounts entirely a perfectly valid choice. 

People who are undecided have actually made a choice that, for the moment, doesn’t include one of the choices offered.  it’s like saying “none of the above.”

If you want to see this sort of misrepresentation in action, take a gander at the CBC report on CRA’s quarterly poll for New Brunswick.  Almost identical numbers to the ones in Newfoundland and Labrador.  Ruling Tories with a supposedly “commanding lead” of 56% and the Liberals and New Democrats in a “statistical tie” at 20% or thereabouts.

Small problem.

Look at the undecided number in New Brunswick and then look at the poll results as a share of all responses, not just “decided” voters.

Suddenly the Tories aren’t at 56%.

They are at 35%.

And the other two?  Somewhere in the low teens.

More people in New Brunswick are undecided than expressed a choice for the provincial Conservatives.  As for the opposition parties,  you’d have to use your imagination to see anything there other than a pair of parties that voters are barely noticing.

In Newfoundland and Labrador, a look at the unadulterated CRA numbers still tells you that the Tories are in front of the other parties.  You can also see a major league slide going on.  They were at 62% in August 2010, down to 51% in November, back up to 56% in February and now at 44%.

But the other parties?  As in New Brunswick, neither Yvonne nor Lorraine have captured any great attention yet.

But yes, sez you, there’s been this orange surge from eight percent up to 20%.

Yeah, not really.

For starters, the numbers are more like six percent to 15%. 

Still more than double, right?

Maybe.

Consider that the margin of error for this poll is 4.9%.  That means you can shift any number on the page up or down by five percent and still be within the range of possible numbers you’d get if you polled every eligible voter in the province.

So when you hear a reporter talk about a statistical tie or an NDP surge, odds are you have someone who learned everything they know about polls from being spun by masters of the torque.  Either that or they just read a badly distorted news release and relied on their own abilities to surmise what it means.  Doesn’t mean the reporter’s a boob:  just means the reporter doesn’t really understand what is going on.

But still, the NDP surged ahead, right?

Negative, again, there Ghost Rider.

The unadulterated CRA poll number puts the NDP at 15%, give or take five percentage points.  The Dipper machine could be at 10%, up a mere four percent from the February result. 

By the same token, they be at 19-ish%.  You can slide the Liberal or Conservative numbers up and down likewise and still be right. That’s what the margin of error means.  Plus when you consider that CRA results over the past seven years have been notoriously wide of the mark even without using the margin of error, you can pretty well bet these numbers are only vaguely close to what’s actually going on.

To give you a sense of what the results could be – take a breath for this one -  consider that at 20% of all respondents, either the Liberals or the NDP would be close to 30% of decideds in this recent survey. 

With the Tories at 44% of all respondents and 57% of decideds.

Not quite so commanding now, is it?  A pretty easy slide of another 10 percentage points, in other words, the kind of shifts we’ve already seen in the past six months, and the Tories could be looking at the shortest time in government since Confederation for any political party.

When you look at those sorts of possibilities,  it gets pretty clear to see that any  comments about the Tories having a a “commanding lead” are nothing more than total hogwash.  A relatively small shift in votes up or down for either of the parties and you’d be looking at Kathy Dunderdale potentially headed for the opposition benches come the fall.

Then there’s the second bit, namely the editorialising.  There’ll be a few New Democrats who’d love you to believe they are on the verge of a miracle here, but these numbers don’t support any such idea.  The reasons are pretty simple.

For starters, you can’t tell anything with one single point.  You need a couple of points to start making a trend. 

Beyond that, there is absolutely no sign of a gigantic shift of voter support to the NDP anywhere provincially, let alone in the metro region, despite federal electoral success over the past couple of years.  Provincial Conservatives are not happy with their Kathy but there’s a big difference between voting against Stephen Harper and voting against their local Tory candidate. 

That takes a major league piss-off of metro voters the sort you saw in the late 1980s.  St. John’s and the surrounding areas have gone anything but Tory for only about seven or eight years in the past decade.  In 1989, the Liberals took seven of eight St. John’s seats and 11 of 13 metro seats.  They did just about as good in 1993 and 1996 but after that things started to swing back toward the blue guys. Those sorts of changes don’t come easily;  it took the Tories a lot of misery after 1985 to fry townie voters to the point where they picked a bunch of red candidates in huge numbers. 

But let’s suppose for a second that we are seeing exactly what some people are claiming.  Slam the swings into the swing-o-meter and you won’t see any seats changing hands in St. John’s.  That’s because the Tories are still running so far ahead, it would take vote shifts of a magnitude out beyond what we have seen yet in order for the Tories to start sweating bullets about losing their base in town.

Come the fall you might be able to start musing about that sort of thing.  But that would be only if the NDP can somehow keep up momentum in a way they never have before, pull in way more money than they have and get tons of candidates and volunteers like they never have before.  They’d also have to run a provincial campaign using their provincial resources that rivals the federal one.  That’s a mighty tall order.

And even if the Dippers started to make some headway against the Tories in St. John’s, out beyond the overpass, the fights that will shape up would be between the Liberals and the Conservatives except in Labrador West.

Thing is voters don’t appear to be cool to Yvonne and potentially hot for Lorraine as the CBC writer imagined.  Voters haven’t warmed to either of the opposition parties and their leaders.  Lorraine’s at a amazing level of 11% while Yvonne’s at 13%. 

That could change and there’s plenty of room for change.

We just aren’t there yet.

Still, allowing for all the vagueness of these poll results, if you were Kathy Dunderdale, these poll results would be causing you a few sleepless nights in addition to the ones you are already feeling.

That’s the ongoing story in all this, just as it has been for the past six months or more.

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Dunderdale disapproval doubles; Tory vote drops to 44%

What a difference a federal election can make to provincial poll results.

According to the latest Angus-Reid poll,  43% of respondents are satisfied with Kathy Dunderdale’s performance as premier down from 55% in February and 67% for her predecessor last November.

Undecided remains at 35% of those polled.

But here’s the thing:  Those who said they were dissatisfied with Dunderdale’s performance went from 10% in February to 23%.

That trending is bad news for Danny Williams’ hand-picked replacement.

News for the Tories doesn’t get any better from Corporate Research Associates who conducted their quarterly omnibus poll from May 11 to May 28.  Margin of error for the poll is 4.9%. CRA polling seems to inflate Conservative vote in the province by anywhere up to 15 or 20 percentage points and deflate the undecided and will not vote categories by a comparable percentage.

Forty four percent (44%) of respondents said they would vote for Dunderdale’s provincial Conservatives if an election were held tomorrow. That’s down from 56% in February and 51% from last November.

“Undecided” (including refused to state and won’t vote) in the CRA poll reportedly held at 23%. It hit 31% in November just before Danny Williams announced his resignation.

So where did those ex-Tory voters go in the CRA poll?  Liberal support increased from 11% in November 2010 to 16% in the most recent poll.  The New Democrats picked up the most, going from 6% in February to 15% in May.  But here’s the thing:  before that they were hovering at 5%. 

Kathy Dunderdale and the Conservatives were already trending downward anyway.  Hitching her star to Stephen Harper didn’t seem to help the Premier’s standing with voters.  Meanwhile, the strong showing of the New Democrats in the metro St. John’s area federally seems to have been carried over in CRA’s polling.

While local media and the New Democrats will likely be torquing these results based primarily on CRA’s misleading way of reporting its research, whether the New Democrats can hang on to those numbers without help from Jack Layton remains to be seen.

What you can say is this:

1. Kathy Dunderdale and the provincial Conservatives are in serious political trouble.  Voter support for her and her party is on the way down, continuing trends that go back about a year.
2. At the very best, voters remain uneasy about Kathy Dunderdale. At the very worst, Angus-Reid numbers suggest there is growing opposition to her leadership. If the trending in that poll continues, Dunderdale’s satisfaction numbers will be 31% with 35% unsatisfied and another 35% unsure.
3. At the same, voters are unsure about the opposition parties.  While the NDP seem to be having a small flourish, the numbers are nothing to write home about, especially after a prolonged period below 10%.  Meanwhile, the Liberals under Yvonne Jones have shown some modest progress over time. In CRA’s poll, both Michael and Jones are neck and neck which is pretty much where they have been for most intents and purposes for years.  Dunderdale is in a sad spot:  41% of respondents think she is the right leader for the province.

Bottom line:  People aren’t sure about Dunderdale and the Conservatives but they also aren’t sure about the other two leaders and their parties.

There’s a long time to October and any of a number of things could change the political landscape in the province dramatically one way or the other. 

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Quentin Jurgens he ain’t

Bloc NDP member of parliament Ryan Cleary had the chance to make his first remarks to the House of Commons on Monday.

He didn’t speak about anything of concern to any of constituents.

There wasn’t even a reference to his pet project, namely having taxpayers fund an investigation into something everyone else knows but which Ryan can’t figure out.  He wants to know what happened to the fish.  Hint:  a whole bunch of people – including Newfoundlanders and Labradorians – fished cod to near extinction.

All Ryan needs to do is ask his old pal Gus Etchegary some of those hard journalist type questions Ryan supposedly likes to ask.  Maybe, for once, Etch – e - sketch won’t give one of his usually sketchy answers.  maybe under some of Ryan’s penetrating cross examination Gus will explain how Gus’ company, like so many others, high-graded and otherwise fished illegally until their were no fish left to catch.

In any event, after thanking his constituents for having the good sense to elect him, Cleary felt the need to let everyone know that this is all about him:

For the first time since Confederation in 1949, Newfoundland and
Labrador is represented by two New Democrat MPs in this esteemed
Chamber. We may not have the raw MP numbers of the other provinces, but the way I like to see it, the member for St. John's East and I make up for it by being from Newfoundland and Labrador.

You can practically feel the methane alarms going off in the chamber as the fart clouds gather.

Then he started in on the pitcher plant that adorns a stained glass window in the Commons.

The stained glass window also faces toward Newfoundland
and Labrador. I ask members to look to the pitcher plant when they
speak of my province. But be warned,   the --

Yes, they’ve been warned.

Of what exactly no one is sure, but there you have it.

A warning.

Probably a warning to watch out for the next time he takes to his hind legs to have at the art work in the Railway Committee room. 

No Newfie Bullet, you see.

By the by, the sentence ends rather abruptly for one simple reason:  The Speaker just cut to the next member of the House.

Now before the tin-foil hat brigade takes up arms, let’s understand something they likely covered in noob MP school on the Hill.

These statements have a time limit on them.  Members get cut off no matter where in their drone they are.  Those familiar with Cleary’s august radio hosting career will likely already understand what happened here.

The idea is to get in. 

Make the point. 

Get out.

Cleary’s ace journalistic skills should make him good at that.

Well, apparently not.

And thus ended the honourable noob’s maiden comments in the House of Commons.

We can only look forward to the next instalment.

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Building permits down in April

The value of building permits issued in the province in April fell by 16% compared to the same month in 2010 according to information released on Monday by Statistics Canada.

Permits in April 2010 were valued at $94 million and $79 million in April 2011.  permit values in February 2011 were more than $85 million and $61 million in March 2011.

Building permits in St. John’s were up for the second straight month.  However, April permits were down 8.6% compared to April 2010.

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Nightmare on Muskrat Falls #nlpoli

The intrepid labradore takes yet another slice at the official government rationale for Muskrat Falls by showing the electricity rates Nalcor has been charging for the period 2005 to 2009.

He’d probably have used more recent information but – as labradore notes in this post – Nalcor stopped releasing the information as part of its annual report.

Funny that, given that the last year they gave information is the year Nalcor signed a deal with Emera to ship excess power to the United States through Quebec.  Yes, that’s right:  Hydro-Quebec will gladly ship power across its lines to real customers.

In any event, the rate chart undermines the provincial government’s claim that Muskrat Falls is the insurance against wildly uncontrollable increases in rates because oil prices will drive the cost of electricity on the island to astronomic heights.

The “utility” rate went up by 25% from 2005 to 2009 but if you look more closely the largest jump was before oil prices spiked in 2008.  In the period 2007 to 2009, when oil prices shot up so dramatically, prices went up by about 1.3%.

Rub the sleep out of your eyes and read that again if you must.

Then look at those export rates. 

Little better than half the domestic rates.

And it certainly is not making any profit for Nalcor.

Things won’t be any better lucrative if Nalcor builds Muskrat Falls and starts trying to sell the power it generates at a cost of something around 14.3 cents per kilowatt hour.  One Vermont utility signed a deal with Hydro-Quebec recently for 25 years of power at less than six cent’s a kilowatt hour. 

Sure that’s double what Nalcor got in 2009 and likely gets in early 2011 under the Emera deal but it is less than half of the cost of Muskrat power.  of course that’s the current estimated cost of Nalcor power.  If Muskrat costs more than the $6.2 billion the current Tory administration predicts then the cost per kilowatt hour will be more than 14.3.

And that Vermont utility – now owned by Fortis, incidentally – will still be paying less than six cents per kilowatt hour.

Keep rubbing those eyes until they bleed and the Muskrat math doesn’t get any better. Bit like being in a dream, isn’t it? 

But no matter what you do and where you go, the figure with the bendy arms, tattered shirt and knives for fingers just won’t go away.

“One, two, Kathy’s coming for you…”

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Williams ex-chief of staff lands at Muskrat project

Not surprisingly, Brian Crawley - Danny Williams’ former chief of staff  - is now a manager with the Muskrat Falls project.

Williams announced the project last November as a prelude to his retirement a week or so later. His successor – Kathy Dunderdale – is pushing forward with the project despite mounting evidence that it is unnecessary and will burden taxpayers of the province with heavy costs to subsidize any export sales that the province’s energy company may make.

In testimony at the public inquiry into problems at the province’s largest health care authority, Crawley suffered from repeated lapses of memory. Commissioner Justice Margaret Cameron grew exasperated at Crawley’s inability to recall significant events.

The position reportedly pays $165,000 per year with benefits.

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Mythbusting: Not Kari, but still worth a look

labradore charts the total electricity output from Nalcor, less Churchill Falls, Menihek and a few other bits and pieces.

Note that thermal generation – mostly Holyrood has been less than 20% of the total in four of the past five years.  Total generation in 2010 was about 5,000 gigawatts compared to more than 6,300 in 2002.

That would mean – for those who are a little slow on a Monday – that demand has dropped dramatically in the past eight years.

That is most definitely not what Nalcor and the current provincial government have been pretending in their obsession with building an Empire of Public Debt.

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